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昭通第一人民医院整形美容丽乐园

2017年10月19日 09:29:18|来源:国际在线|编辑:安心诊疗
A Tanzanian court has charged a prominent Chinese businesswoman, dubbed the ;Ivory Queen;, with running a criminal network responsible for smuggling tusks from more than 350 elephants, court documents show.坦桑尼亚一家法院近日指控被称为“象牙女王”的中国企业家。根据法庭文件显示,她被控领导象牙走私犯罪集团,走私超过350头大象的象牙。Yang Feng Glan, 66, was accused in Tanzanias commercial capital, Dar es Salaam, this week of smuggling 706 pieces of ivory between 2000 and 2014 worth .4 million.杨凤兰,66岁,本周在坦桑尼亚的经济中心达累斯萨拉姆被抓获。从2000014年,她共走私06件价400000美元的象牙。Glan, a Swahili-speaker who has been in the east African nation since the 1970s, is secretary-general of the Tanzania China-Africa Business Council.She owns a popular Chinese restaurant in Dar es Salaam, according to police sources.据来自警方的消息,杨凤兰说斯瓦希里语,早0世纪70年代以来就居住在东非国家,是坦桑尼亚中国非洲商业委员会的秘书长。她在达累斯萨拉姆拥有一个很受欢迎的中餐厅。Reuters was unable to reach the lawyer for Glan, who was not allowed to enter a plea until the case resumes.路透社无法联系到杨凤兰的律师,在这起案件被起诉之前,律师是不能进行辩护的。She is being held at the citys Segerea maximum security prison until an October 12 bail hearing. If convicted, she could face more than 20 years in jail.目前,她被关押在最大的安全监狱--塞杰雷亚。关押期直到十月十二日的听会。一旦罪名成立,她将面临20年以上的监禁。The east African nations elephant population shrank from 110,000 in to a little over 43,000 in 2014, according to a census released in June, with conservation groups blaming ;industrial-scale; poaching.根据六月份官方公布的数据显示,东非国家的大象数量009014的数量从110000减少3000,而保护组织指责是“工业规模”的偷猎。Demand for ivory from fast-growing Asian economies such as China and Vietnam, where it is turned into jewels and ornaments, has led to a spike in poaching across Africa.对象牙的需求主要来自快速增长的亚洲经济体,比如中国和越南。在那里象牙被制造成珠宝和饰品,这也导致非洲的偷猎者数量达到了一个新的高峰。The Elephant Action League, a US-based conservation group, said it believed Glan to be ;the most notorious ivory trafficker brought to task so far;.总部设在美国的大象行动联盟环保组织,表示杨凤兰是“到目前为止最臭名昭著的象牙贩子”;Its the news that we all have been waiting for, for years,; Elephant Action League founder Andrea Crosta said in a statement.“她得到了指控,这是我们期盼已久的消息大象行动联盟的创建者Andrea Crosta在一次声明中表示;We must put an end to the time of the untouchables if we want to save the elephant.;“如果我们想拯救更多的大象,我们必须抓紧时间去抓获那些逍遥法外的人员。”来 /201510/403193

From a distance, it may appear that the French mainstream right is on the road to political and organisational unity with Nicolas Sarkozy’s successful return to the helm of the opposition UMP. With the left in disarray and the far right National Front not or not yet credible enough to win, though more than strong enough to deliver a shock to the political system, the way is open for Mr Sarkozy’s comeback at the next presidential elections, non? Are we about to witness in 2017 the French equivalent of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s return to power in Japan, with a rebranding so powerful that his name became identified with a novel economic policy?从远处看,随着尼古#8226;萨科Nicolas Sarkozy)重新执掌反对党——人民运动联UMP),法国右翼主流势力似乎正走在一条通向政治和组织团结的道路上。在法国左翼陷入混乱、而极右翼政党国民阵线(National Front)的可信度不足以(或者说尚不足以)赢得大选(尽管该党现在已足够强大,能够对法国政治体系造成冲击)的情况下,萨科齐有可能在下次总统大选中再次获胜,不是吗?日本首相安倍晋Shinzo Abe)重返政坛的情景是否会017年的法国重现?安倍晋三的“品牌再造”如此强大,以至于还有一项以他的姓氏命名的新颖经济政策。It could happen but probably will not. Mr Sarkozy’s formidable drive remains intact and his competitors will have to contend with his ability to thrive under pressure, as he demonstrated at the peak of the global financial crisis or during Russia’s war in Georgia in 2008. Furthermore, he now has control of the UMP party machine, a major, possibly indispensable, asset.这种情况可能会发生,但很可能不会。萨科齐那令人敬畏的进取精神还没有发生动摇,他的竞争对手将不得不应付他那种在压力之下超常发挥的能力,就像他在全球金融危机最严重时期008年俄罗斯向格鲁吉亚开战时期所展现的。另外,他现在控制着UMP的政党机器,这是一项重要的(甚至可能是不可或缺的)资产。However, powerful factors, which were not at play when he first ran for and won the presidency in 2007, will get into his way. He faces a host of legal challenges. One of the most recent, the so-called Bygmalion case after the name of an events-organising company alleged to have served as a conduit for the funding of his unsuccessful presidential campaign in 2012 represents a potentially serious threat during the run-up to 2017. (Mr Sarkozy denies any wrongdoing.)然而,007年他首次参选并赢得总统大选时不存在的一些强大因素,将阻碍他的脚步。他面临着诸多法律诉讼。最新一桩是所谓的Bygmalion案,此案以一家大型活动组织公司的名字命名,该公司被控012年萨科齐最终失败的总统大选时充当筹款渠道,在2017年总统大选之前,此案将对他构成潜在的重大威胁。(萨科齐否认自己存在过错。)Then there is the former president’s polarising personality, a hallmark which on balance has helped more than hurt his political career. Voters appreciated his clear-cut choices in 2007, and he nearly won in 2012 despite the adverse economic and social legacy of the financial crisis. But to overcome the challenge from Marine Le Pen, the leader of the National Front who is almost certain to be present in the second round of the presidential elections, the mainstream right candidate will need to convince left and centre electors to back him in the second round.接下来是萨科齐那种导致两极分化的个性,迄今这一性格特点总的来说在更大程度上帮助(而非损害)了他的政治生涯007年,选民们赏识他的明确抉择,而在2012年,尽管金融危机带来种种不利的经济和社会后遗症,但他仍差一点在大选中获胜。但要应对来自国民阵线党主席马琳#8226;勒庞(Marine Le Pen,她几乎肯定会进入第二轮大选投票)的挑战,主流右翼政党的候选人需要说左翼和中间派选民在第二轮投票中持他。Opinion polls indicate that Alain Juppé would be a better bet in a second round run-off than Mr Sarkozy. The former prime minister is seen as a safe pair of hands who is respected well beyond the core conservative voter base. The former president will face an uphill struggle to win the primaries that the UMP is due to hold in 2016 to choose its candidate in the race for the Elysée Palace. The fact that a gifted but otherwise uncharismatic politician such as Bruno Le Maire, a former agriculture minister in the Sarkozy administration, managed to garner nearly 30 per cent of the UMP vote in the leadership contest, was a portent of the difficulties Mr Sarkozy will face. Mr Sarkozy’s inability to create a committee of former centre-right prime ministers shows how difficult it is for him to unite rather than divide his own party, let alone a broader electoral base.民调显示,在第二轮决胜投票中,相对于萨科齐,法国前总理阿兰#8226;朱佩(Alain Juppé)是一个更好的选择。朱佩被视为一位可靠人选,即使在保守派核心选民基础以外也深受尊敬。UMP将于2016年选出党内候选人角逐法国总统职位,要赢得党内初选,萨科齐将面临很大困难。曾在萨科齐任期内担任法国农业部长的布鲁#8226;勒梅Bruno Le Maire)这样有才华但缺乏领袖魅力的政治人物,在UMP党主席选举中成功收获近30%的选票,这一事实预示着萨科齐前路艰难。萨科齐无法创建一个由中右翼前任总理组成的委员会,这表明他很难团结(而非分裂)他所在的政党,更别提团结更广泛的选民了。Finally, Mr Sarkozy’s attempted comeback embodies the crisis of trust which is at the heart of the negative mood pervading the French body politic. Largely unconstrained by a constitutionally weak parliament or by the constraints of coalition politics, the French president enjoys exceptional powers compared with other European leaders.最后,萨科齐试图重返政坛反映出一种信任危机,这个危机处在弥漫于法国人民心中的负面情绪的核心。与其他欧洲领导人相比,法国总统基本上不受在宪法上实力弱小的议会或联合执政局限性的约束,享有较大权力。This has undoubted attractions but also some disadvantages. When key campaign promises are not honoured, the public reaction can be ferocious. When he won in 2007, Mr Sarkozy had a strong mandate, and arguably the political wherewithal, to engage in structural reform, including the scrapping of the 35 hour-work week. He preferred to work around the reform agenda rather than implementing it. His Socialist successor Fran#231;ois Hollande’s perceived “betrayalof his leftwing promises has had the same effect on the other side of the spectrum.这一点具有毋庸置疑的吸引力,但也有一些坏处。当关键的竞选承诺未被兑现时,公众反应可能会非常激烈007年大选获胜时,萨科齐有着强大的民意授权和政治资本来实施结构性改革,包括废除每周35小时工作制。但他更喜欢绕着改革议程打战,而不是实施改革。在另一边,他的社会党继任者弗朗索#8226;奥朗Fran#231;ois Hollande)对其左翼承诺的明显“背叛”也产生了同样的效果。This sense of being taken for a ride is one of the causes of the rise of the National Front, an untested party which has not yet had the opportunity to betray the public’s trust. Thus, at every stage of the campaign trail, Mr Sarkozy will face the charge that he did not keep his promises when he had an opportunity to do so.这种被忽悠感是国民阵线崛起的原因之一,该党未经考验,还没有机会背叛公众的信任。因此,在竞选的每个阶段,萨科齐都将面临这一指责:当初他有机会履行承诺时却没有这么做。This basic lack of credibility may explain the modesty of his current reform platform: tinkering with the retirement age (raising it to 63 instead of 62), devolution of the 5 hoursissue to sectoral dialogue between trade unions and employers associations, the capping of public expenditure at 50 per cent of gross domestic product with little indication of how this would be done, and a fudge about increasing wages while lowering taxes. Sarkonomics are not with us yet.这种基本可信度的缺乏,也许可以解释他当前的有限改革平台:微调退休年龄(2岁提高到63岁)、将每周5小时”工作制问题下放到工会与雇主协会之间的行业对话去解决、将公共出占国内生产总GDP)的比例上限设0%(但没有说明如何实施),以及提高薪资同时降低税收的含糊承诺。萨氏经济学(Sarkonomics)还没有出现。来 /201412/348047

A state-level wetland park was established in Taklamakan, Chinas largest desert, in the northwest Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.在新疆乌鲁木齐自治区的西北部,也就是中国最大的沙漠,塔克拉玛干,将会建设一个国家级别的湿地公园The park, located on the western edge of the Taklamakan, has been approved by the State Forestry Administration. It covers an area of around 5,818 hectares and consists of various types of wetlands, including rivers and marshes, said a spokesperson with the forestry bureau in Bachu County of Xinjiang.新疆巴楚县的林业局相关负责人称:这个公园位于塔克拉玛干的西部,已经被国家林业局批准,覆盖面积将达到5818公顷,并且由包括河流和沼泽在内的各种各样的湿地组成,The park is close to the Yarkant River. The wetland resources formed by marshes, lakes and reservoirs on the banks of the river play an important role in affecting local climate.这个公园临近叶尔羌河,湿地资源包括沼泽,河流。河流岸上的蓄水池将会对气候产生重要的影响However, river water volume has been reduced and wetland areas have shrunk as a result of increased human activities and unregulated use of water since the 1980s, the spokesperson said.与此同时,发言人也表示:在1980年后,由于人类活动的增加和不规则的用水,导致河流的水容量逐年减少,湿地的范围也在持续缩减Xinjiang has a wetland area of around four million hectares, ranking fifth among provincial-level regions in China. Preserving and restoring the wetlands have become a priority for the local government.新疆约有400万公顷的湿地区域,居我国各省湿地范围占有量的第五名。湿地的保留和恢复已经成为当地政府的首要工作 /201509/398896

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