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2019年06月17日 17:50:57 | 作者:百科指南 | 来源:新华社
President Barack Obama said on Thursday that the California shooting that left at least 14 people dead and wounded 21 others could be related to terrorism, but left open the potential that a workplace grievance may have been the motive.周四,美国总统巴拉克攠巴马(Barack Obama)表示,导致至4人死亡1人受伤的加州击案可能与恐怖主义有关,不过他并未完全排除职场受委屈是杀人动机的可能性。In a sign that authorities are considering the possibility of terrorism, the US president said the FBI had taken over the investigation from local authorities. But he said the motive for the attack in San Bernardino was still unclear and could be a mix of issues.奥巴马表示,美国联邦调查局(FBI)已从地方当局手中接手此案,这表明当局正在考虑恐怖袭击的可能性。不过,奥巴马表示,圣贝纳迪诺击案的动机仍不清楚,也可能出自多方面原因。The two suspects killed in a shootout with police on Wednesday were identified as Syed Rizwan Farook, 28, and his wife, Tashfeen Malik, 29. They had a massive arsenal of weapons on them during the shooting and at their residence in nearby Redlands, according to Jarrod Burguan, the San Bernardino police chief.周三与警方战中丧生的两名嫌疑人,身份分别被确认8岁的赛义德里兹万法鲁Syed Rizwan Farook)和他的妻子9岁的塔什芬氠利克(Tashfeen Malik)。根据圣贝纳迪诺警察局长贾罗德伯古Jarrod Burguan)的说法,击案发生时他们随身携带大量武器,而他们在附近雷德兰兹的住所也同样有大量武器。“It’s possible that this is terrorist-related but we don’t know,said Mr Obama in an Oval Office briefing, flanked by Vice-President Joe Biden, the FBI director James Comey and Loretta Lynch, attorney-general. “Our expectation is that this may take some time [to sort out]. There may be mixed motives.”在椭圆办公室内的一次情况简要介绍中,奥巴马表示:“该事件可能与恐怖分子有关,但我们并不确认。我们预计这个问题也许要过一段时间(才会弄清楚)。也许存在多种动机。”奥巴马发表上述讲话时,美国副总统乔拜Joe Biden)、FBI局长詹姆斯科米(James Comey)和司法部长洛蕾塔霠奇(Loretta Lynch)在其身边陪同。The suspects fired up to 75 rounds of ammunition at the Inland Regional Center, which provides services for more than 30,200 people with disabilities in Riverside and San Bernardino counties, said Mr Burguan. Authorities also found three pipe bombs combined into one device that was tied to a remote control toy car that failed to work.伯古安表示,嫌疑人在Inland Regional Center总共发射5发子弹。当局还找到一个由三节管状炸弹捆绑成的装置,绑在一个遥控玩具车上,不过未能爆炸。Inland Regional Center是一个务中心,为河滨市和圣贝纳迪诺.02万残障人士提供务。The suspects shot another 76 rifle rounds in the stand-off with police that followed a hunt for them. In all, they had a stockpile of about 6,000 rounds of ammunition, while 12 pipe bombs were found at their home, in addition to hundreds of tools that could be used to construct improvised explosive devices and pipe bombs, said Mr Burguan.伯古安表示,在警方对嫌疑人开展追捕之后,嫌疑人在和警方的对峙过程中又发射6发步子弹。加起来,他们总共拥有000发子弹的库存。与此同时,在他们家中还发现2枚管状炸弹,此外还有数以百计的可以制造简易爆炸装置和管状炸弹的工具 /201512/414581

It is harder than you might think to explain in Chinese the background to Scotland’s independence debate, not least because the three English words “nation “countryand “stateare in Mandarin all generally translated as a single word: guojia.用中文解释苏格兰独立辩论的背景或许会比你以为的更难,这主要是因为在中文中,nation(国家,民族)、country(国家)和state(国家,政府)这三个词都被笼统地翻译为同一个词:“国家”。As an exiled Scot, I had to wrestle with this lack of linguistic precision many times while living in China during the 1990s and 2000s. Why, friends and acquaintances asked, was Scotland considered a nation when it was part of the highly centralised UK state? Why did it in 1999 suddenly acquire a parliament after three centuries without one? And of greatest interest to Beijing cab drivers why did it have a national football team but compete in the Olympics as part of Great Britain?我是一个背井离乡的苏格兰人,在上世0年代至本世纪头十年、我在中国生活的那些年里,我多次遇到无法用中文精确表述的麻烦。朋友与相识的人那时会问我,苏格兰为何既被视为一个国nation)、同时又属于高度集权的英国?之前个世纪里都没有的苏格兰议会,为何999年忽然成立了?而北京的出租车司机最感兴趣的问题是,苏格兰为何有自己的国家足球队,但又作为大不列颠国家队的一部分参加奥运会?But the hardest thing for many of my Chinese friends to understand was how Scottish nationalism could be an accepted part of the British political landscape. In China, a state founded on the carcass of the Qing Dynasty in 1912, independence movements are anathema. Any “splittismin Tibet or western Xinjiang is ruthlessly crushed and Taiwan’s de facto independence only grudgingly granted temporary toleration.不过,我的许多中国朋友们那时最难以理解的是,苏格兰民族主义为何居然能成为英国政治图景中一个可接受的组成部分?中国是在1912年被推翻的清朝的残骸上建立起来的,独立运动在这个国家是个禁忌。西藏、新疆的“分裂主义”都受到无情地镇压,台湾事实上的独立也只不过被勉强、暂时地容忍下来。The UK’s response to Scottish splittism is very different, as I have come to appreciate since returning to the land of my youth to be the FT’s Scotland correspondent after nearly two decades in east Asia. Here, the process is firmly democratic and almost entirely peaceful. All sides of the debate accept that Scotland’s future should be decided by the will of its people. Where other states confronted by separatism send in the tanks, the UK to its great credit hits back with promises of more devolved powers and colourful leaflets talking up the benefits of union.在东亚待了近20年之后,我返回故土、担任英囀?金融时报》驻苏格兰记者,我发现,英国对苏格兰分裂主义的应对方式大不相同。在这里,程序是绝对民主、且近乎完全和平的。参与辩论的各派都认同一点:苏格兰的未来应该由苏格兰人民的意志决定。其他面临分裂主义问题的国家出动的是坦克,而值得赞赏的是,英国反击分裂主义的方式是承诺加大权力下放,制作各种五颜六色的小册子、宣传联盟的好处。That is not to say that Scotland’s debate has been wholly admirable the quality has been patchy, a flowering of respectful and rational discussion often drowned out by the ranting and spinning of professional politicians and partisan media. Though anti-English attitudes have been mercifully absent from the mainstream debate, a nasty nationalist fringe has besmirched some exchanges on social media and street corners.这并不是说苏格兰的辩论完全没有缺点——辩论质量一般,严肃、理性的讨论往往被职业政客和偏袒某一党派的媒体的夸夸其谈所淹没。尽管幸运的是,反英格兰情绪没有出现在主流辩论中,但一种龌龊的民族主义极端思想污染了社交媒体和坊间的某些谈话。But it is worth stepping back for a moment. The possible secession of a third of the landmass and 8 per cent of the population of a major power is being addressed through overwhelmingly peaceful, free and often even friendly debate. To appreciate how precious that is, you need only look as far as Ukraine, where March’s disputed referendum opened the way for Russian annexation of Crimea and bloody battles have raged between government troops and separatists in border regions. Participants in Scotland’s debate might risk insults and in the case of one pro-union MP an egging but nobody is shooting them or shelling their villages.但应该退后一步来看。三分之一国土%人口可能从一个大国分裂出去,这个问题正在通过令人吃惊的和平、自由、很多时候甚至友好的辩论得到讨论。要理解这有多么难得,你只用看看乌克兰—月举行的有争议的公投,导致俄罗斯吞并克里米亚、政府武装和分裂主义者在边境地区爆发血腥战斗。参与苏格兰独立辩论者或许面临受到辱骂的风险,就一位持维持联盟的议员而言,还面临被砸鸡蛋的风险,但没有人会对他们开,或炮轰他们的村庄。One result of this more civilised atmosphere is to lower the stakes of the dispute. Scottish nationalists cannot credibly claim their nation is being oppressed. The version of independence on offer by the Scottish National party is thus a strikingly moderate one, espousing civic values rather than ethnic identity and stressing continuing close links with the remaining UK. An independent Scotland would seek to remain firmly within the European Union, with its commitment to the free movement of people and trade.这种更加文明的氛围的结果之一,是降低了争论所涉及的利害。苏格兰民族主义者无法令人信地宣称,他们的民族受到压迫。因此,苏格兰民族党(SNP)提出的独立主张非常温和,信奉公民价值观,而不是民族认同,强调继续与英国其余部分保持紧密联系。独立后的苏格兰将谋求坚决留在欧EU)内,承诺允许人员自由流动和自由贸易。This suggests Scotland would not be independent in the sense my Chinese friends might understand the word. There would be only a difference of degree between independence and a future as a devolved part of the UK. Scotland would be tightly tied to the economy of the remaining UK and deeply enmeshed in the greater European whole. Some pro-union politicians warn darkly that independence would undermine the security of the west and comfort its enemies, but it seems much more likely that the European order would quickly adjust to the appearance of an independent Scotland y to make its own contribution to common security.这意味着苏格兰的独立,或许会跟我的中国朋友们理解的独立不一样。独立跟作为英国的享有一定自治权的一部分,两者只有程度的差别。苏格兰经济将与英国其余地区紧密联系在一起,并将深深融入欧盟整体。一些持联盟的政客阴暗地警告称,独立将破坏西方的安全,让敌人如意,但可能性大得多的情况是,欧洲的秩序将迅速根据新独立的苏格兰做出调整,独立后的苏格兰将乐于对共同安全做出自己的贡献。It is also striking how willing Scotland’s pro-independence campaign is to embrace a future in which national autonomy is limited, so long as it is the Scots who can decide what aspects of their sovereignty to share or pool.苏格兰持独立的阵营愿意接受一种国家自治权有限的未来,只要分享和共用哪些主权是由苏格兰人决定,这一点也令人惊异。Indeed I would like to think that Scotland’s independence referendum, whatever the result, might eventually be seen as only one step in a much longer and broader process of change in Europe away from the automatic assumption that the fundamental unit of political affairs is the traditional sovereign nation state.事实上,我倒认为,欧洲正在经历一种更长远、更广泛的变化进程,摆脱一种理所当然的观念,即政治事务的基本单位为传统主权民族国家,苏格兰的独立公投(无论其结果如何)或许最终会被视为这一进程中的一步。We should not be afraid of such change. The nation state is after all only a social construct, in its current conception generally dated to the mid-17th century. As the examples of Ukraine or Tibet suggest, democracy and the rule of law are much more likely to promote human happiness than allegiance to a particular flag or set of borders.我们不应害怕这样的改变。民族国家毕竟只是一种社会观念,按照其目前定义,大体上可追溯7世纪中期。如乌克兰和西藏的例子所示,民主和法治能够促进人类福祉的可能性,大大高于效忠某面特定旗帜或版图的界线所能做到的。I will vote on September 18, but my choice will not be decided by any particular passion for statehood, British or Scottish. In my ideal world, nation states would actually fade in importance and emphasis shift to a wider range of political units that would allow genuinely global co-operation on issues such as climate change and truly local decision-making for individual communities.我会8日那天投票,但我的选择将不会由我对某个国家(无论是英国还是苏格兰)的热爱所决定。在我看来,在理想的世界中,民族国家事实上会越来越不重要,重心将转移到范围更广的政治单位上,这会使气候变化等问题能够实现真正的全球合作,让每个社会能够真正实现本地事务本地决策。Such a future is very far off, of course. In the meantime we can at least take the Scottish referendum as an example of how issues of identity and sovereignty can be peacefully and democratically tackled and hopefully resolved. I look forward to trying to explain that to my Chinese friends.当然,这一天还很遥远。与此同时,我们至少能将苏格兰公投作为例子,看看身份和主权问题如何能够以和平、民主的方式得到处理,如果顺利的话还有望得到解决。我期待着尝试向我的中国朋友们解释这一点。来 /201409/328660

A decade ago, Joko Widodo’s life was an improbable, irrefutable success. Raised in a riverside shack in Solo, Indonesia, Widodo was the first in his family to go to college; he then founded the furniture export business that made him a millionaire.十年前,佐科威收获了听起来不大可胀?但无可辩驳的成功。佐科威在印尼梭罗市一个河边贫民窟长大,是家里的第一位大学生;他随后创办了一家家具出口企业,并由此成为百万富翁。But back then, Widodo was just getting started. In 2005, he became mayor of Solo—the very city whose slums he had grown up in—and did so good a job busting corruption and cleaning things up, that in 2012, he unseated incumbent Fauzi Bowo to become governor of Jakarta, the sprawling megacity. Then this March, he became his party’s nominee to become the President of Indonesia (that same month, FORTUNE ranked him No. 37 on its 2014 list of 50 World’s Greatest Leaders.) Tomorrow June 9 in Indonesia it all comes to a head. If Jokowi prevails in the neck-and-neck race against his opponent, former military general Prabowo Subianto, he’ll be leading the fourth largest nation on Earth.但当时,佐科威的辉煌人生路才刚刚起步005年,他成为梭罗市市长——没错,他就是在这座城市的贫民窟长大的——随即发起了一场大获成功的反贪风暴012年,凭借着这些斐然政绩,佐科威击败时任雅加达省长法乌兹,成为这座不断扩张的超大城市的新领袖。今月,他又被推举为所在政党的印尼总统候选人【也是在这个月,《财富》杂Fortune)发布014年全0位领导力榜样名单,佐科威位居7位】。印尼当地时日,印尼总统大选即将进入紧要关头。如果佐科威能够在这场难分伯仲的大选中战胜对手、前军事将领普拉沃,他就将成为世界第四大国的领导人。(最新消息:印尼总统大选已经结束,佐科威和普拉沃团队都宣布自己胜出,选举委员会预计将于两周后正式公布最终的选举结果。)“There are not many mayors who can make a leap to the presidency in the span of 24 months,Jeffrey Winters, a political scientist at Northwestern University told FORTUNE via an email interview. “Jokowi winning the presidency having only recently been the mayor of Solo is like Dennis Kucinich winning the presidency from Cleveland. The difference is Jokowi actually has a shot at victory.”“能够在24个月内跃升为总统的市长并不多见,”西北大Northwestern University)政治学家杰弗里o温特斯在接受《财富》电邮采访时说。“没多久之前还是梭罗市市长的佐科威赢得总统选举,就好比克利夫兰市长丹尼斯o库钦奇赢得美国总统宝座一样。区别在于,佐科威的确有望获胜。”With his rags-to-riches story and record for real change, Widodo, who campaigns in folksy red-and-blue checked shirts and is popularly known as “Jokowi,has energized an Indonesian populace hungry for a break from the status quo. The politician has drawn comparisons to Obama (circa 2008), inspired a hit song “Two-Finger Salute,won cred for his can-do competence and earned a slight (though perhaps not statistically significant) 3% edge in recent polls.凭借着白手起家的励志故事和推动切实变革的傲人记录,时常在竞选活动中身穿红蓝相间格子衬衫的佐科威已经极大地鼓舞了渴望摆脱现状的亿万印尼民众。这位因乐观进取、敢作敢为而赢得广泛赞誉的政治家让许多人联想起2008年左右的奥巴马。最近在印尼广为传唱的歌曲《双指礼Two-Finger Salute)也是受他启发创作而成。在近期的民调中,佐科威获得%的优势,但这点优势或许并不具备统计学上的意义。Yet, just months ago, a Jokowi victory appeared almost a sure thing—holding an almost 40% lead over Prabowo, a candidate not allowed in the U.S. for past human rights violations and who, as the former son-in-law of Suharto, the Indonesian dictator overthrown 16 years ago, is certainly among the nation’s entrenched powers.然而,就在几个月前,佐科威赢得大选似乎已成定局——他的持率领先普拉沃接近40个百分点。普拉沃是16年前被推翻的印尼独裁者苏哈托的前女婿,无疑具有根深蒂固的影响力。不过,由于过去侵犯人权的行为,他成了不受美国欢迎的人。What happened?究竟发生了什么事?“Jokowi’s campaign has been a fragmented mess,says Winters. “For undecided Indonesians, the weak campaign reinforced doubts about whether Jokowi was really y for prime time.”“佐科威的竞选活动显得离破碎,没有章法可言,”温特斯说。“这种软弱的竞选活动使得那些犹豫不决的印尼人更加怀疑佐科威是否真正做好了出任总统的准备。”Among the issues: the candidate over-scheduled public appearances, lacked a consistent message, and has been a technical and not particularly inspiring orator.问题在于:这位候选人过于频繁地公开露面,缺乏一个始终如一的讯息,发表演讲时虽然面面俱到,但不足。Michael Buehler, a lecturer at University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) says Jokowi is not the only one at fault in his lackluster campaign. The politician has been undermined by his own party’s machinery and is the victim of various smear campaigns that have—not unlike claims made about Obama—insinuated that he is not who he says he is. (The attacks maintain that Jokowi is secretly a Christian…or a Communist…or Chinese…or originally from Singapore…or all of the above.) Buehler adds that Prabowo’s slick, focused campaign has been aided by the work of a former George W. Bush political operative—a first in Indonesian politics.伦敦大学(University of London)东方及非洲研究学SOAS)讲师迈克尔o比埃勒表示,佐科威的竞选活动乏善可陈并不仅仅是他一个人的错。这位政治家一直深受党内机器运转不良的拖累,成为了各种抹黑活动的受害者——跟奥巴马曾经受到的指摘非常相似,四面八方的诽谤声音暗示,他其实并不是他自己所宣称的那种人。(这些攻击坚称,佐科威其实要么是一位隐秘的基督徒,要么是共产主义分子,要么是个中国人,要么自新加坡,要么上面这些全部都是。)比埃勒补充说,普拉沃的竞选活动则显得格外巧妙,重点突出,这得益于一位曾经担任小布什总统军师的政治操盘手的大力协助——在印尼政治中,这种事还是破天荒头一次。In recent months, Prabowo has effectively, if “ironically,positioned himself as an outsider and won support for his nationalistic and populist agendas. (The candidatesplatforms are not all that different, though Buehler says Jokowi has “better ideas.近几个月来,普拉沃颇为有效地把自己定位为一位局外人,同时还因为他的民族主义和民粹主义议程而赢得了持,这多少有点讽刺意味。(两位候选人的竞选政纲其实并没有多大不同,但比埃勒认为佐科威拥有“更好的想法”。)But, says Winters: “Prabowo has been preparing for the presidency for three decades and actively pursuing the office and building a party machine for over ten years. It is Jokowi’s candidacy that is surprising, not Prabowo’s.”但是,温特斯说:“为了坐上总统宝座,普拉沃已经准备了三十年。过去十几年来,他一直在积极谋求这个最高职位,还打造了一台运行顺畅的政党机器。佐科威成为候选人的确出人意料,但普拉沃获得候选人资格则一点也不令人意外。”Right now, both scholars say the election is too close to call—and in any case, is unlikely to bring about the profound change Indonesia needs. During the course of the campaign, Jokowi has drawn closer to some of the entrenched interests that he is, in theory, running against—showing that for now, perhaps, there are limits to just how high Indonesia’s self-made, corruption-busting leader from the slums can climb on his own.两位学者都认为,这次大选目前难分伯仲,但无论结果如何,这场竞选都不可能带来印尼亟需的深刻变革。在竞选过程中,佐科威跟既得利益的距离越来越近——按道理说,这些既得利益正是他此次竞选活动的讨伐目标。这种行为显示,目前看来,这位白手起家,来自贫民窟的反腐先锋仅凭一己之力所能攀登的高度非常有限 /201407/311413

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