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2019年11月21日 20:25:43|来源:国际在线|编辑:39媒体
A federal program meant to encourage investment in the ed States from wealthy foreigners is increasingly supporting large luxury real estate projects, not the development in the rural and downtrodden districts that some say were the original targets of the program.目前,一个旨在鼓励富有的外国人在美国投资的联邦项目愈来愈倾向于持大型豪华房地产项目,而不是用于乡村和穷困地区的发展,虽然在一些人口中,后者才是该项目的初衷。With billions of dollars flowing in, mostly from wealthy Chinese, the program faces an uncertain future. 数以十亿美元计的资金已通过该项目流入美国,大多是来自富裕的中国人,但如今它面临着不确定的未来。In September, Congress reset the expiration date on parts of the so-called EB-5 program to Dec. 9.9月,国会将这个名为EB-5的项目的部分截止日期重新设为12月9日。The program grants permanent residency in the ed States to those who are willing to immigrate and invest 0,000 in a business that creates at least 10 jobs. 该项目向愿意移民的投资者提供美国的永久居留权,此人需要向一个至少创造10个工作机会的企业投资50万美元。Many of the projects that have received money have been in real estate, though investments have also gone to charter schools, medical centers and manufacturing plants. 尽管也有投资流向特许学校、医疗中心和制造厂,但许多获得该项目投资的都是房地产。Some billion of investments have been made through the program since 2005, according to the EB-5 Coalition, an industry group in Washington.根据华盛顿行业组织EB-5联盟(EB-5 Coalition)的说法,从2005年以来,该项目大约吸引了150亿美元的投资。Critics have derided the program as essentially a legal way for immigrants to buy their way into the country.批评者嘲笑该项目本质上是为移民提供购买美国身份的合法途径。Donald J. Trump’s election adds a new wrinkle. 唐纳德#8226;J#8226;特朗普(Donald J. Trump)的当选增加了一个新的变数。He campaigned heavily on immigration reform, pledging to build a wall on the Mexican border and increase the deportation of criminal noncitizens. 他竞选时大力主张移民改革,承诺在墨西哥边境上修建围墙,并将更多犯罪的无公民身份者驱逐出境。He also said he wanted to reduce legal immigration and ensure jobs are offered to Americans first.他还说他想减少合法移民,保优先向美国人提供工作。Whether President-elect Trump will actually follow through on these pledges remains to be seen, said Stephen W. Yale-Loehr, a law professor at Cornell University and an immigration lawyer. 侯任总统是否会真正恪守这些承诺,还有待观察,康奈尔大学法律教授与移民律师史蒂芬#8226;W#8226;耶尔-勒尔(Stephen W. Yale-Loehr)说:It is always difficult for Congress to enact significant immigration changes because immigration is so complex and controversial.在移民方面,国会总是很难实行重大的变化,因为移民问题太复杂,太有争议。The ed States is not alone in offering residence for investment. 美国不是唯一一个为投资者提供居留权的国家。Germany, Australia and Canada have versions of the program, as do several small countries. 德国、澳大利亚、加拿大及一些小国都有类似的项目。Competition among Caribbean nations is rising for their citizenship-by-investment programs, with St. Lucia being the most recent to revamp its program.目前,加勒比国家正在竞相实施投资移民计划,圣卢西亚是最新修订类似项目的国家。Foreign interest is growing. 来自外国的关注在增长。According to an analysis by professors at New York University, investments in the program are increasingly financing large-scale, luxury or entertainment-oriented real estate developments. 根据纽约大学的教授们分析,该项目吸引的投资愈来愈多地用于大型、豪华或型房地产开发项目融资。Among them: nearly billion gathered in the last year from 2,000 investors to build a Chinese-style casino in Las Vegas, 0 million from 1,200 investors for New York’s mixed-use Hudson Yards project and 0 million from 300 investors to construct the Beverly Hills Waldorf Astoria.举例来说,去年,来自2000名投资者的近10亿美元被用于在兴建一座中式风格的;来自1200名投资者的6亿美元被用于在纽约兴建多用途的哈德逊广场(Hudson Yards);来自300个投资者的1.5亿美元被用于建造比佛利山华尔道夫-阿斯托里亚酒店。The program was intended to reward people for putting money into the ed States. 该项目旨在奖励那些把资金投入美国的人。Projects that raised more than billion were practically nonexistent in the program before 2010, Prof. Jeanne Calderon of New York University’s Stern School of Business wrote in a March report on the program. 纽约大学斯特恩商学院教授让娜#8226;卡尔德隆(Jeanne Calderon)在3月发表了关于该计划的报告,其中写道,在2010年之前,几乎没有什么建设计划通过该项目筹集到超过10亿美元的资金。But when banks turned off the credit spigot around the 2008 financial crisis, developers started getting more creative in finding alternative financing.但是,在2008年金融危机时期关闭信贷渠道后,开发商便开始寻找更有创意的替代融资方案。N.Y.U. tracks 27 projects across the ed States that have raised more than .6 billion from foreign investors.纽约大学跟踪调查了美国境内27个项目,它们从外国投资者那里募集了超过56亿美元。Many of these projects are run by large commercial developers who could proceed without any foreign investment but are reaching out to foreign investors for cheaper financing than they would receive from banks.它们当中有许多是由大型商业开发商经营,就算没有任何外国投资也可以运作下去,但开发商们寻觅外国投资者是为了获得比更便宜的融资。Reformers from both political parties are calling for a much tighter definition of the areas eligible for investment through the program to remove the tracts in prosperous urban areas and get money to underserved ones. 来自两党的改革者们都呼吁对有资格获得该项目投资的地区做出更加严格的定义,让这些资金不再用于繁华都市地带的大片土地,而是用于欠发达地区。They are also looking at raising the investment minimum to 0,000.他们还考虑将投资最低限额提高到80万美元。In addition, they hope to make the projects more accountable by requiring better disclosures to protect potentially vulnerable immigrants from fraudulent schemes. 此外,他们希望该项目具备更好的透明度,保护可能处于弱势地位的移民免受欺诈性计划之害,令该项目更加负责。Federal securities regulators have filed several enforcement actions against people committing fraud through the program in recent years.联邦券监管机构已经针对近年来通过该项目实施欺诈的一些人采取了若干执法行动。The issue has friends and foes on either side of the political aisle. 这个问题在政界的左右两方都有朋友和敌人。Senators from rural parts of the country want more development dollars coming to their districts, while those from large cities want to maintain the status quo. 来自农村地区的参议员希望更多的发展资金进入自己的选区,而来自大城市的议员想保持现状。As for the immigrants themselves, they are entering the program mostly in an effort to gain permanent residency in the ed States, which gives project developers more power.至于移民们自己,他们参与该项目主要是为了在美国获得永久居留权,因此会令开发商拥有更多的权力。The Wanda Group, which is the largest commercial developer in China and is owned by the nation’s richest man, is said to be seeking foreign investment program financing for its Wanda Vista Hotel in Chicago. 万达集团是中国最大的商业开发商,其所有者亦是中国最富有的人,据说该集团正在为其芝加哥万达文华酒店寻求外国投资项目融资。The city approved the project last November. 芝加哥于去年11月批准了该酒店建设项目。The Wanda Group is also developing One Beverly Hills Hotel next to the new Waldorf in that city.万达集团目前还在开发新的比佛利山一号酒店(One Beverly Hills Hotel),它就在该市那座新的华尔道夫酒店旁边。All of this investing has created a backlog of uncertain futures. 所有这些投资令不确定的未来积压如山。Currently, 22,000 petitions are pending with the Citizenship and Immigration Services, which is directed under the Department of Homeland Security.目前,2.2万份申请书正在等待国土安全部领导下的公民及移民务局批准。 /201611/478962The future of the city is an industry. Cities have always been big business, machines for creating money and culture, a means for people to gather and create a civilised, comfortable life. The making of the city is itself a fundamental process in the development of capitalism. The city’s property and infrastructure have always been vehicles for speculation and, on occasion, stupendous profit.城市的未来发展是一项产业。城市一直以来都是一门大生意,是创造财富与文化的机器,是将人们汇聚在一起、创造文明舒适生活的一种机制。城市的形成本身就是资本主义发展进程中的一个基础阶段。城市的房地产和基础设施一直是投机活动的载体,有些时候还会带来巨大的利润。The modern, successful city is a realisation of what the late French film-maker and provocateur Guy Debord forecast would be a “Society of Spectacle”. Within this, success is gauged by skyscrapers and super-luxury apartments that come with record prices attached. It is measured by blockbuster cultural institutions and shopping streets sparkling with the logos of global brands. It is assessed by spurious quality of life surveys that rate the availability of exotic coffees and artisan cheeses above the quality of social housing or healthcare.成功的现代城市已经把已故法国电影导演及先锋活动家居伊#8226;德波(Guy Debord)所预言的《景观社会》(Society of Spectacle)变为现实。在景观社会中,成功是由天大楼以及价格创纪录的超豪华公寓来判定的,是由大型文化机构以及闪耀着国际大牌标志的购物街来衡量的,是由站不住脚的生活质量调查来评判的,这些调查将能否享受到异国情调的咖啡和传统手工奶酪看得比社会保障性住房(social housing)和医疗保健务的质量更重要。Over the past decade or so, the city has been monetised as a futures market — not only in the old fashioned manner of property development and speculation but through reconceiving its inhabitants as consumers rather than citizens. We have all become data. The technology we use at home, in the office and, above all, carry in our pockets has radically transformed the way we can be tracked and the way we will be targeted.在过去的十来年中,城市经历货币化成为了一个期货市场——不仅仅是通过房地产开发及投机这种传统方式,还通过将城市居民重新看作是消费者而非公民。我们都变成了数据,我们在家中、在办公室使用以及放在口袋里随身携带的技术,已显著地改变了我们被追踪以及我们被当作务目标的方式。The city’s characteristic cocktail of anonymity and sociability — the potential to become lost in a crowd — is changing fast. Aly, smartphones have transformed the way we use the city. Our reliance on Google Maps and apps strips us of our observation and our need to understand the grain and texture of the city streets. Disruptive apps such as Uber are changing the way we move around.城市所特有的匿名性和社交性的融合——也即在人群中消失的可能性——正在迅速变化。智能手机已经改变了我们与城市的相处模式。我们对谷歌地图以及各种应用的依赖剥夺了我们自己对于城市的观察,也让我们变得不再需要去理解城市街道的纹理。优步(Uber)等颠覆性的应用正在改变我们的出行方式。How do we make a sustainable city, in which citizens are treated with respect rather than as data? How will they compete with each other beyond being mere vehicles for property investment or as instruments of the markets?我们应如何打造一座可持续发展的城市,使城市中的居民受到尊敬而非仅仅被看作数字?除了作为地产投资的载体或者作为市场的工具,城市之间又将如何竞争?There is a lot of hype surrounding the so-called Smart City — the idea of the city as a connected network in which mass information collection allows more efficient operation. Its potential has been overstated, but its arrival does signal a change in the idea of the city into a forum for hyper-surveillance and data farming. That change is compounded by a marked shift from the city as public realm to a new conception of its streets and squares as a massive mall without walls.当前围绕所谓的“智慧城市”(smart city)有大量炒作——这一概念将城市看成是一个紧密相连的网络,网络中的大规模数据收集使更有效率的运作成为可能。智慧城市的潜力被过分夸大,但其出现是一个信号,表明有关城市的概念正在逐渐转变为有关超级监管以及数据耕耘(data farming)的论坛。这一转变还伴随着城市观点的一个显著变化,对城市的认知从公共领域变成了将街道和广场看作没有围墙的巨型购物中心的新观念。The creation of business investment districts across the UK and US and the construction of privately owned developments blur the boundaries between the genuine public commons and private property. As the public sector continues to shrink in the neoliberal city, infrastructure is increasingly left to private capital and the economies of cities are driven by the mantra of “regeneration”.英美各地出现的商业投资区、以及私人所有开发项目的建设模糊了真正的公共空间与私人地产之间的界限。随着公共部门在新自由主义的城市中继续萎缩,基础设施建设正越来越多由私人资本承担,而推动城市经济的则是“重建”准则。This has become a cliché and it can be a very blunt device. The line between regeneration and gentrification is often virtually invisible. There is, of course, nothing new in these issues. When the notorious Old Nichol slums in London’s East End were cleared to make way for the London County Council’s Boundary Estate, opened in 1900, residents complained that they were being turfed out. The hard drinkers were discriminated against in favour of what politicians might now call “hard working families”.这已经成了陈词滥调,而且可以成为一种非常粗暴的手段。重建和“中产阶级化”的界限常常是几乎不可见的。当然,关于这些问题完全没有任何新鲜之处。当伦敦东区(East End)声名狼藉的老尼科尔(Old Nichol)贫民区被清理出来,为伦敦郡议会(London County Council)修建包恩德里住宅区(Boundary Estate)让路时——该住宅区于1900年建成——住在老尼科尔的居民抱怨自己被赶了出来。那些酒鬼受到了歧视,得到优待的则是或许会被如今的政治家称为“勤劳的工薪家庭”的群体。The urban renewal strategies of the 1960s and 1970s in US city centres were dismissed by African-Americans in poorer districts as designed to remove them. In London more recently, the efforts to demolish and rebuild many of the few remaining city centre social housing estates — notably the Aylesbury estate in Southwark, in the southeast of the capital — have led to protest and squatting, as residents accuse the authorities of social cleansing.二十世纪六七十年代美国城市中心的城区重建计划遭到了贫穷街区非裔美国人的反对,他们指责此类计划是为了将他们赶走。更晚些时候在伦敦,对于城市中心少数保存下来的社会住宅区,为将其中的一大部分拆除和重建所做的努力——特别是伦敦东南部南华克区(Southwark)的艾尔斯伯里(Aylesbury)住宅区——引发了抗议和擅自占用房屋的情况,当地居民指责当局借机进行社会清洗。The question for city centres is how they can embrace the complexity of uses and the social mix from which their character has derived — and whether there is any way to maintain these communities and relationships. Or alternatively, do we just accept that cities change and that we need to adapt?城市中心面临的问题是,如何才能承载好复杂多样的功能以及容纳作为城市自身特色来源的多元化社会群体——此外是否还有维持这些社区和关系的办法?或者说,我们是不是就应接受城市会发生变化,而我们需要适应这种变化的事实?For the moment, there is a sense that New York, London, Paris and other global cities are resting on their laurels. They revel in their continued popularity and the status of their property as what the City of London’s former planner, Peter Rees called “safe deposit boxes” for the super-rich, while failing to ensure they remain accessible to a social mix.就目前而言,纽约、伦敦、巴黎以及其他国际大都市给人一种躺在往日荣光中不思进取的感觉。这些城市陶醉于它们仍然受到的欢迎以及城中地产作为超富阶层“保险箱”的地位——用伦敦金融城前规划官彼得#8226;李斯(Peter Rees)的话来说——而未能确保这些地产仍然能够容纳多元化的社会群体。These are real problems, because what makes cities great is the dynamism that derives from their particular cocktails of class, ethnicity, eccentricity and opportunity. Without that blend they become either dull tourist centres — take central Paris, for example, or, increasingly, central London — with little authentic life, or two-tier cities with the poor populations marginalised on the edges and effectively disenfranchised from urban processes. Paris, again, strikes as an example.以上都是实实在在的问题,因为使城市变得伟大的正是阶层、种族、特异性和机遇的特定融合所产生的活力。没有了这种融合,城市要么变成枯燥无聊的旅游中心——例如巴黎中心城区,或者伦敦市中心也愈发如此——几乎没有真实的生活气息,要么变成两级分化的城市,贫困人口被边缘化至城郊生活,在事实上被剥夺了参与城市运转过程的权利。在这方面巴黎也可以作为例子。The most successful and creative cities tend to be those with a degree of redundancy, that is to say with a little slack in their space where property value does not dictate every move or development. These are not necessarily the same as those cities that are the wealthiest or the most equitable or even the most liveable.最成功而富有创造力的城市,通常是那些具有一定冗余的城市,也就是说,在城市的空间里存在些微余地,那里的迁移或者开发并不全由房产价值决定。这些城市并不一定是那些最富有的或者最平等的城市,甚至不一定是最宜居的。New York, for instance, was at a creative peak in the period after the second world war and, arguably, again in the 1970s, when it was virtually bankrupt, sliding into a massive crime wave and suffering from radical depopulation as the middle class moved out to the suburbs. Everything from abstract expressionism and jazz to literature and graphics thrived there in that period.以纽约为例,它的创造力巅峰期是在第二次世界大战结束以后以及二十世纪七十年代,虽然后一段时期存在争议。二十世纪七十年代的纽约几近破产,陷入了大规模犯罪潮,并因中产阶级搬至郊区而遭遇了人口的急剧减少。但当时从抽象表现主义和爵士音乐到文学和绘画艺术等各种艺术形式都在纽约蓬勃发展。London’s greatest modern creative spurt may well have been during roughly the same period, namely from the Swinging Sixties to the mid-1980s, when it was a city in transition, pockmarked with bomb sites and with social housing going up in once-affluent and central areas.伦敦重要的现代创造力喷涌期差不多也在同一时期,即从摇摆的六十年代(Swinging Sixties)到二十世纪八十年代中期。当时的伦敦是一座变化中的城市,既有坑坑洼洼的炸弹爆炸痕迹,也有在曾经的中心富人区拔地而起的社会住宅(social housing,类似有些国家或地区的廉租房——编者注)。Berlin’s best periods were the fraught 1920s, when the city was recovering from a devastating lost war, and the 1990s, when it found a huge property resource in the office space left over when the Communist political bureaucracy — and the endless web of buildings inhabited by the Stasi intelligence network — was dismantled and left redundant. This all left property affordable and available to students, artists and anyone else.柏林的黄金时代是激荡的二十世纪二十年代,当时这座城市正从一场极具破坏力的失败战争中恢复过来;此外还有二十世纪九十年代,柏林从共产主义政治官僚体系解体后留存下来并闲置的办公空间中——还包括斯塔西(Stasi,前东德国家安全部)情报网络所占用的难以计数的房屋——获得了大量地产资源。这使得住房对于学生、艺术家以及任何其他人来说都变得可以获得并且负担得起。The traditional measures of success — wealth and GDP — might serve to underline profitability and suitability of the city as a place for the global rich to park their money, but they do little to ensure that success will be sustained.衡量成功的传统标准——例如财富和GDP——或许能够凸显城市作为全球富豪投资载体的盈利性和适宜性,但这些指标对于确保城市的成功能够延续几乎没有帮助。When cities become too successful, they marginalise exactly the eccentricity and experimentation that lead to new ideas. An overdose of success can kill a city.当城市变得过于成功,它们就会将能够产生新创意的特异性和实验精神边缘化。过量的成功能够杀死一座城市。Perhaps the message is to be careful what you wish for.这对于我们的启示或许是,许愿时要小心。 /201608/462372

Royal Dutch Shell moved to bolster shareholder support for its proposed takeover of BG Group after Chinese regulators on Monday gave the deal their approval.荷兰皇家壳牌(Royal Dutch Shell)正着手争取股东持拟议中的收购英国天然气集团(BG Group)的交易。此前,中国监管机构在周一批准了这一交易。Shell announced that the combined group would cut up to 2,800 staff upon completion, or 3 per cent of the enlarged workforce, as it looks to secure one of the largest energy deals of recent years amid the oil price crash. Brent crude was trading at on Monday.壳牌宣布,合并后的集团在交易完成后会裁撤总计2800名员工,占合并后员工总数的3%,该集团将寻求在油价暴跌之际,敲定这项近年最大规模的能源协议之一。周一,布伦特(Brent)基准原油的价格为每桶37美元。Shares in BG fell 0.7 per cent on Monday to close at 9.20, and are about 10 per cent lower than the price outlined by Shell in its cash-and-stock bid, partly reflecting some concern that shareholders might not approve the deal.周一,英国天然气集团的股价下跌0.7%,收于每股9.2英镑,比壳牌以现金和换股方式开出的价码中给出的大致价格低了大约10%,这在一定程度上反映出某些人对股东可能不会批准这一交易的担忧。The takeover requires the support of a majority of Shell shareholders and 75 per cent of those at BG.这次收购需要得到壳牌多数股东和英国天然气集团75%的股东的持。 /201512/416512

Hillary Clinton sought to press home her polling advantage over Donald Trump’s misfiring campaign on Thursday by pledging to take a tougher line in trade disputes with countries like China and accusing him of offering tax handouts to millionaire and billionaire allies.希拉里#8226;克林顿(Hillary Clinton)周四寻求在唐纳德#8226;特朗普(Donald Trump)的竞选活动连连失误之际充分利用自己的民调优势,她承诺要在与中国等国家的贸易争端中采取更强硬立场,并谴责特朗普为其百万富翁和亿万富翁盟友提供税收优惠。The former secretary of state’s speech setting out her economic agenda in Warren, Michigan came three days after Mr Trump unveiled a programme of reforms in Detroit that included steep cuts to business and income tax rates, looser regulation and a tougher stance on trade deals.美国前国务卿在密歇根州沃伦发表演讲,阐述她的经济议程。就在她这次讲话三天前,特朗普在底特律公布了改革计划,内容包括大幅削减企业税和所得税税率、放松监管,并对贸易协定采取更强硬立场。In her address Mrs Clinton promised to create a new position of trade prosecutor and triple the number of enforcers as she responded to Mr Trump’s hardline agenda on trade and his claims that countries such as China and Mexico have gained an unfair advantage over the US.针对特朗普在贸易问题上的强硬派议程、以及其有关中国和墨西哥等国已取得对美不公平优势的说法,希拉里在讲话中承诺要设立一个贸易检察官的新职位,并将执法人员增至现有水平的三倍。 /201608/460460

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