盐城孕妇白带根豆腐渣一样怎么办呢
时间:2019年06月25日 16:50:46

Banking and crime金钱的罪恶Hitting at terrorists, hurting businesses打击恐怖,损害金融。Forcing banks to police the financial system is causing nasty side effects迫使监督金融机构会造成令人厌恶的副作用。KIDNAPPINGS for ransom, drug-smuggling, fake invoicing and extortion are just a few of the ways in which terrorists raise cash for their nefarious deeds. Some scams take advantage of globalisation: American officials found that Hizbullah, a Lebanese movement, raised funds by exporting used cars from America and selling them in west Africa.绑架勒索赎金,毒品走私,假发票和敲诈勒索只是恐怖分子筹集现金途径的冰山一角,全球化为恐怖分子资金募集提供了便利,美国官员发现一个黎巴嫩真主党运动,依靠向西非出口来自美国的二手车筹集资金。Governments are understandably keen to cut terrorists off from sources of cash, and have been taking drastic steps to punish banks for involvement in financing dangerous people. In 2012 the American authorities imposed a .9 billion fine on HS, a British bank, for lax controls on money-laundering. Big fines have been meted out to Barclays, ING and Standard Chartered for money-laundering or sanctions-busting. BNP Paribas of France is said to be facing a fine of as much as billion in America. Such stiff penalties are popular, and provide great press for ambitious prosecutors. Cut the flow of money to terrorism, their thinking goes, and it will wither.政府希望减少恐怖分子从资金来源,并已采取行动来惩罚同恐怖活动有金融活动来往的。2012美国当局向英国汇丰罚款19亿美元,原因是未能有效防控恐怖组织洗钱。巴克莱,荷兰国际集团和渣打已经由于涉嫌帮助恐怖组织洗钱或违反制裁而受到巨额罚款。法国巴黎表示,将面临来自美国10亿美元的罚款。严厉的惩罚成为涉恐案件检察官常用的手段,他们认为这样可以削减资金流向恐怖主义,这种方法是否有效还有待商榷。Yet there are two problems with this approach. First, the regulations are so demanding and the fines so large that banks are walking away from countries and businesses where they perceive even the faintest whiff of risk. American regulators, for instance, require banks to know not only who their customers are, and what they plan to do with their cash, but also the identities and intentions of their customers customers. Correspondent-banking relationships—the arteries of global finance that allow people and firms to send money from one country to another, even if their own bank does not have a branch there—are therefore collapsing. Some of worlds biggest banks privately say they are cutting as many as a third of these relationships.然而,这种方法有两个问题。第一,政策非常苛刻,罚款数额巨大,大很可能会规避可能涉及恐怖犯罪的国家和商业领域。举个例子,美国监管机构要求不仅了解他们的顾客、顾客投资的方向,而且他们客户的客户的身份信息和投资意图也需要了解。交易代理是国际金融的动脉,他们让资金在全球公司之间流动,即使他们自己的没有设计恐怖注意,却也有有因此而破产的。世界最大的一些私下里说他们切断这一部分业务的1/3。This retreat will have little impact on the rich world. Britains Lloyds Banking Group, say, will probably always transact with Wells Fargo in America or IC in China. But it could prove devastating to small, poor countries whose banks lose their big international partners just because the costs of checking up on them outweigh the paltry profits they generate. Some countries risk being cut off from the financial system altogether: British banks last year threatened to close the last pipeline for money transfers into Somalia. Others will see the costs of intermediation rise: bankers talk of a tenfold increase in fees paid to send money to countries such as Tanzania. Cotton farmers in Mali and small exporters in Indonesia will find it increasingly hard to get trade finance. Even well-known charities responding to UN calls for assistance in countries such as Syria are struggling to get banks to let them send aid.金融行业业务的缩减比如对发达国家的影响不大。英国的劳埃德集团可能会一直进行同美国威尔斯Fargo或中国中国工商的合作,但对贫穷小国家产生毁灭性打击,贫困国家的失去国际合作伙伴只是因为对这些国家涉恐审核的成本大于他们微薄的经济活动利润。一些国家为了继续国际贸易,冒着同全球金融脱离的风险:英国去年威胁要关闭到索马里的资金渠道。另外应该注意的是经济活动中间成本的增加:同坦桑尼亚这样的国家进行经济活动的成本增加了十倍。印度尼西亚的小商品出口商和马里种棉花的农民会发现越来越难获得贸易融资。甚至著名的慈善机构也在联合国寻求对叙利亚的援助。Making it harder to follow the money资金去处难以跟踪Were all of this actually preventing terrorism it might be judged a fair trade-off. Yet—and this is the second problem with this approach—it seems likely to be ineffective or even counter-productive. Terrorism is not particularly expensive, and the money needed to finance it can travel by informal routes. In 2012 guards on the border between Nigeria and Niger arrested a man linked to Boko Haram, a Nigerian terror group, with 35,000 in his underpants: laughable, except that the group has killed around 1,500 people this year alone. Restrictions on banks will encourage terrorists to avoid the banking system. That may hinder rather than help the fight against terrorism. A former spy complains that it has become harder to piece together intelligence on terrorist networks now that the money flows within them are entirely illicit.所有的措施都是希望公平的权衡各国的涉恐情况然而,这是这种方法似乎很可能是无效甚至适得其反。而涉恐惩罚的第二个问题是,恐怖主义并非成本高昂,和资金可以通过非正式的方式涉及恐怖主义。2012年,警卫在尼日利亚和尼日尔之间的边境逮捕了一名与尼日利亚的恐怖集团科圣地有关系的恐怖分子,35000英镑可笑的藏在他的内裤,希望该恐怖集团一年内造成约1500人死亡。惩罚涉恐的措施可能使得恐怖主义绕开系统,这可能会阻碍而不是帮助打击恐怖主义。一位曾经做过间谍的抱怨说,现在更加难以拼凑出恐怖分子完整的行动计划,网络空间上他们的资金难以追踪。When the G20 meets later this year it should urge its members to accept the risk that even in well-regulated banking systems money may find its way to terrorists. Banks should be given clear guidance on necessary safeguards, but not held responsible for every breach.在今年召开的20国集团峰会应向其成员传达这样的信息,即使在良好监管下的资金也可能会流入恐怖主义的腰包。应给予资金流动必要的保障措施和明确的指导,但不能对每种渠道负责。 /201406/307637

America and the second world war美国和第二次世界战争The workshop heroes车间里的英雄A tribute to the unsung workers致敬无名工作者MacArthur had help engineering victory麦克阿瑟将军曾对工程师的胜利作过贡献Engineers of Victory: The Problem Solvers who Turned the Tide in the Second World War.By Paul Kennedy.工程师的胜利:问题解决者曾扭转了二战的局势NEARLY 70 years after the second world war and with most of the combatants now dead, a leading historian can praise the Wehrmacht. Not, of course, its evil racism but its military prowess. On the battlefields, writes Paul Kennedy of Yale University, Germanys soldiers earned universal respect for their “capacity to react swiftly and fiercely to an assault on any front”. His superlatives continue to flow. The Wehrmacht possessed a fabulous capacity to recover and strike back; Germanys paratroopers were ultra- competent; the Reich fought with astounding tenacity.二战结束近70年后,大部分的参战者已与世长辞。也许主流的历史学家会赞扬纳粹德国,当然是它英勇的军队,而非那邪恶的种族主义。耶鲁大学教授保罗肯尼迪写到,德国士兵因战场上敏捷的反应能力及勇猛地向前方发起攻势而赢得普遍尊重。保罗肯尼迪的巅峰之作继续流传。纳粹德国拥有极好的反应和反击能力,空降兵相当出色,整个帝国持久作战的能力也十分惊人。How then did Germany come to lose the war? The British-born historian strives to avoid reductionism. Unlike others, he says, he does not claim that the Allies victory can be explained solely by brute force or by a wonder weapon or by some magical decrypting system. There were multiple factors. Some have been exaggerated. Bletchley Park was “certainly far less important” than most of the popular literature about the codebreakers suggests. Sir Arthur “Bomber” Harriss determination not to target the enemys oil, transport and electricity grids but to blast cities instead was, he writes, a “weird panacea”.德国是如何输掉这次战争的呢?一位英国的历史学家极力避免还原真相。他说,他不像其他人那样断言盟军的胜利只因为强大的军事力量或一件神奇的武器或某些神秘的解密系统。盟军的胜利有多种原因。一些事实被夸大。布莱切利园 (Bletchley Park)当然远不比关于破译者自述的那些大量流行著作重要。他写道,“轰炸机”阿瑟哈里斯的决心不是把目标放在敌人的石油、交通和电网上,而是要炸毁整座城市,“怪异的灵丹妙药”。Against this, Mr Kennedy argues, some reasons for the Allies success deserve much greater emphasis. One of them, the stupendous might of Americas military-industrial complex, was recognised at last in Arthur Hermans “Freedoms Forge”, reviewed here last year. Mr Kennedy celebrates another crucial component: the role of engineers. What they invented, improvised and improved had, by 1943, begun to turn the tide against Germany and Japan.肯尼迪反对道:盟军胜利有一些更值得强调的原因。其中,美国军工铁三角惊人的势力最终在亚瑟赫尔曼《铸就自由》一书中被实,去年本杂志也过此事。肯尼迪赞美盟军胜利的另一个重要因素是:工程师的角色。到1943年,他们的发明、创造和改进开始扭转抗衡德国和日本的局势。By then long-range B-24 Liberator bombers protected convoys of merchant ships crossing the Atlantic; Hedgehog grenades destroyed Grand Admiral Karl D?nitzs U-boats; B-17 Flying Fortress bombers flew from airfields in England deep into Germany and drove the Japanese back in the Pacific; T-34 tanks led the blood-soaked Soviet counter-attack on the Eastern Front; Mustang fighter planes decimated Germanys flying aces.那时超远程的B-24“解放者”轰炸机保护商船的护航队穿过大西洋;“刺猬”手榴弹摧毁德国大海军上将 Karl Dnitzs的潜艇;B-17空中堡垒轰炸机在英国机场起飞,深入德国内部,穿过日本返回太平洋;苏联的血腥武器T-34坦克东线进行反击;野马战斗机摧毁了德国顶尖飞行员。Mr Kennedy also rescues the engineers of the US Navy Construction Battalions from relative obscurity. Popularly known as the “Seabees”, these were the units that built the bases, the installations, the assembly points and the roads that carried the Allied fight forward. Their achievements more than justify Mr Kennedys assertion that engineers are essential to military victory. Yet, as he rightly complains, historians of grand campaigns all too often take their work for granted and assume that troops, fleets and air squadrons can be moved long distances by the stroke of a pen on a large map.肯尼迪还救助过默默无闻的美国海军建设营的工程师,也就是人们俗称的“海军工程营人员”。他们负责建设基地,设备,集散地点和盟军向前进攻的道路。这些人的成就远远足以明肯尼迪的说法,工程师是军事胜利的重要部分。然而,正如他抱怨地那样,研究大事记的历史学家往往把他们的工作看成是理所当然的,他们认为军队、舰队和空军中队可以很容易地移动像在地图上随笔一挥那样长的距离。Seabee statistics are still amazing. In the Pacific alone they built, in the midst of war, 111 major airstrips and 441 piers, tanks for the storage of 100m gallons of fuel, housing for 1.5m men and hospitals for 70,000 patients. The famous photograph of General Douglas MacArthur fulfilling his “I shall return” promise to the Philippines was possible only after skilful Seabees had managed the pontoon bridges and causeway units that brought the army ashore—along with the photographers, of course.海军修建营人员所作成就的数据仍令人惊讶。战争年代他们在太平洋孤岛上修建了111个主要简易机场和441个码头,存放100加仑燃料的坦克,容纳150万人的住房和容纳70,000例病人的医院。麦克阿瑟将军对菲律宾承诺“我还要回来”,这张著名的照片可能只有在技术娴熟的海军修建营成员成功管理浮筒桥梁和铜锣单位之后才可能实现。当然是铜锣单位把军队和摄影师一起带上岸。Mr Kennedys best-known book is “The Rise and Fall of Great Powers”and his knowledge of earlier conflicts adds depth and colour to his history of the middle years of the war. Alexander the Great, Julius Caesar, the Duke of Marlborough, Napoleon, William Tecumseh Sherman and others march across the pages as Mr Kennedy compares and contrasts their actions with those of their counterparts in 1943-44. And he is able to cite several instances of British-American-Soviet bickering to sustain the Duke of Wellingtons grumble that having enemies is nothing like as bad as having allies.保罗肯尼迪的著作是《大国的兴衰》,他早年的斗争经历增加了中年战争历史的深度和色。此书对亚历山大大帝、凯撒大帝、马尔伯勒公爵、拿破仑、威廉特库姆塞谢尔曼和肯尼迪等人进行了整篇幅的描述,并将他们与同处1943-44年代的对手们进行了对比。威灵顿公爵曾怨言:有敌人一点也不像有盟友那样糟糕,保罗肯尼迪就此能举出英、美、苏联验这句话的几个实例。 /201405/300911

Finance and economics财经商业Free exchange自由交易One of the giants巨人Ronald Coase, the economist who explained why firms exist, died on September 2nd, aged 102罗纳德科斯,著名经济学家,于9月2日逝世,享年102岁。他向世人阐明了企业存在原因。I HAVE made no innovations in high theory, was how Ronald Coase modestly summed up his lifes work.罗纳德科斯如是总结他一生的事业:在高层理论研究中,我并没有创新。My contribution to economics has been to urge the inclusion…of features of the economic system so obvious that…they have tended to be overlooked.我对经济领域的贡献在于,将甄选经济指标这一步骤引入人们视野,而之前,人们对此并不重视。Attention to the overlooked helped Mr Coase transform both law and economics.而正是他对这一被忽视的步骤的注意使得他改变了法律与经济。Born in the London suburb of Willesden in 1910 to working-class parents,1910年,罗纳德科斯出生在伦敦威尔斯登的一个工人家庭,Mr Coase had an academic temperament and an interest in science but lacked a taste for mathematics, a flaw that might have kept him out of economics in later decades.他很有学术天赋,对于科学也很有兴趣,遗憾的是他缺少对数学的尝试,也许这就是使得他在接下来的十年中无缘经济的原因。He studied commerce at the London School of Economics, a course tailored to those destined for middle management.科斯在伦敦经济学院学习贸易,这一学科是给将来的中层管理者量身定做的。The degree included instruction in economics, and he quickly fell for the dismal science.该学科包含了经济介绍,科斯很快便迷上了政治经济。A one-year travelling scholarship gave him the chance to apply what he had learned.一年的旅行奖金给予了科斯将所学应用于实践的机会,He chose to tour Americas industrial cities in the hope of answering a question that troubled him:他来到美国工业城市,希望能在这找到一直困扰他的问题:why did companies exist?企业为何存在。Economists of the time were enthralled by the special magic of the price mechanism.时下的经济学家都被价格机制的神奇魔力吸引。In a free market, prices should adjust to allocate resources where they are most valued.在自由市场,通过价格的变动来分配资源,使尽其用。A certain price for wool, for example, encourages farmers to raise sheep and bring wool to market to meet consumer demand.例如,如果羊毛价格高,农民就会更多的喂养羊群,将羊毛销往市场以满足需求。As more is produced and demand is sated the price falls, discouraging farmers from wasting time and resources producing unwanted goods.当生产的羊毛越来越多,需求被不断满足,价格就会下降,这就使农民减少生产,避免将时间跟精力浪费在非需商品上。Yet whereas some parts of the economy rely on prices to guide materials and labour to their best uses, others do not.经济在某些方面依靠价格来引导资源和劳力发挥最大作用,而其他方面又并非如此。Within firms tasks are doled out by fiat and strategies are set by the Politburo of the corporate board. Mr Coase wanted to know why.在企业里,高层向下布置任务,企业董事会制定政策。科斯想知道为什么是这样的模式。As he watched American car plants in action, he realised that the existence of the firm compensated for a critical flaw in the price-setting mechanism.就在科斯观察美国汽车工厂运行时,他意识到企业的存在正好弥补了价格生成机制中最严重的漏洞。In the real world it is often costly for buyer and seller to arrive at a final price.现实生活中,让买家跟商家达成最后的交易价格很费力。Transaction costs, like the need to negotiate or draw up contracts, prevent the price mechanism from working smoothly.交易成本,例如协商,签合同,这些都会使价格机制无法平稳运行。Firms would exist, he reckoned, when it was cheaper and easier to co-ordinate activity within a centrally planned organisation than to spell out contract details for every step in the production process.科斯猜想,当在一个有中心规划的机构里,协调各部门行动比在生产过程中为每一步都签订详细合同的成本更低更便捷,企业就出现了。Mr Coase first presented his proposition in a lecture in Dundee in 1932, at the tender age of 21.科斯首次提出这样的主张是他1932年在英国敦堤的一次演讲中,当时他才21岁。In 1937 he published The Nature of the Firm, an article based on the Dundee lecture.1937年,他以在敦堤的演讲为基础出版了《企业的性质》。An entire field of research would eventually be built on this paper, but it garnered scant attention at first.后来整个领域的研究都是以科斯在敦堤的演讲内容为基础,只是一开始并未引起很多人的注意。Mr Coase bounced around British academia in the 1930s and 1940s, from Dundee to Liverpool and back to the LSE, researching the workings of public utilities as he went.上个世纪30跟40年代,科斯在英国学术界十分活跃,从敦堤到利物浦,然后又回到伦敦经济学院,科斯一路研究公共事业公司的运行机制。In 1951 he migrated to America and proved similarly itinerant, until an article on radio-spectrum property rights caught the eye of scholars at the University of Chicago.1951年,他移民到美国,并不断地继续明类似的理论,直到射频频谱的知识产权一文的发表才吸引了芝加哥大学学者们的眼球。In 1959 he was invited to Chicago to air his views.1959年,科斯受邀到芝加哥去阐明他的观点,His audience included future Nobel prizewinners like George Stigler and Milton Friedman:底下的观众包括像未来诺贝尔得奖者乔治·施蒂格勒,弥尔顿·弗里德曼。confident, room-commanding men sceptical of Mr Coases conclusions.他们自信对科斯的结论表示怀疑。Over the course of a two-hour discussion the measured Mr Coase won them around.在两个小时的讨论之后,科斯终于得到他们的认可。He was asked to write up his arguments and in 1961 produced The Problem of Social Cost, another landmark text.科斯尽数写下他的观点,并于1961年出版了另一代表作《社会成本问题》。By 1964 Mr Coase was on the University of Chicagos faculty.从1964年起,科斯一直在芝加哥大学任教。His debates with the Chicago academics centred on market externalities:科斯与芝加哥的学者们围绕市场外部性进行了讨论:economic choices that impose social costs or benefits on others.经济选择会带来利益或需要社会成本。Factory pollution may disturb or poison nearby residents, for example.例如,工厂污染会影响或者危害周围的居民。Earlier generations of economists diagnosed a market failure that governments could set to rights.以往的经济学家得出政府能调整市场失败的结论。The polluting factory does not face any costs from spouting black smoke over a town: the costs are external from its perspective.污染性工厂对于向城镇释放黑烟的成本表示无压力,因为这个成本在他们的估算外。A tax on pollution would internalise the cost, however.但是征收污染税能将这个成本内部化,The price mechanism would work once more, as the tax encouraged the factorys managers to reduce pollution to socially optimal levels.于是价格机制再一次生效,因为税收能迫使工厂管理者将污染物的排放减少到社会最优水平。Mr Coases work suggested another answer.科斯的成果又暗示了另一个结论。In the world of theory, without transaction costs, no government intervention would be needed to address externalities.理论上说,如果没有交易成本,就不需要政府干预来强调外部性。The factory owners and the residents could work out side-payments on their own.工厂拥有者跟居民他们自己就能达成赔偿协议,Residents might pay the factory to emit less or the factory might pay the town for leeway to pollute more.居民能弥补工厂,让他们少排放,工厂也能赔偿给居民,使自己多排放,Either way an efficient outcome should result without government help. This Panglossian view became known as the Coase Theorem.其中任一有效的办法都不需要政府的帮助。这种趋于至善的观点就变成了科斯理论。Yet Mr Coase himself recognised life is more complex than theory.但是科斯本人也意识到现实远比理论复杂。Neither private bargaining nor a pollution tax can make a market perfectly efficient given transaction costs like the expense of monitoring a factorys emissions.如果考虑到像监控工厂排放这样的交易成本,不管是私下解决或者立法征税,都不能使市场最有效。Mr Coase reckoned the law had a critical economic responsibility: to minimise the disruptive effect of these costs on markets.于是科斯想到法律负很大的经济责任:法律能最小化交易成本对市场的负面影响。A system of clear and easily transferable property rights can play a role like that of the firm, allowing useful economic activity to take place that might otherwise be gummed up by the hassle of negotiating and enforcing contracts.一个清晰并且容易转让的产权体系能扮演一个类似企业这样的角色,它可以保那些可能被协商跟强加协议弄砸但其实有利可寻的经济活动的正常进行。His insight revolutionised policy.科斯这般的洞察力使政策发生了变革。Tradable emissions permits, which helped eliminate acid rain as an environmental problem in America, are a direct application of his work.可议的排放许可就是科斯理论成果最直接的应用,这项应用帮助降低了美国酸雨这样的环境问题。Almost 70 years after that first Dundee lecture Mr Coase won the Nobel prize for economics.大概在科斯第一次敦堤演讲70年后,他获得了诺贝尔经济学奖。A scholar must be content with the knowledge that what is false in what he says will soon be exposed, he noted in his speech.他在他的演讲中提到:一个学者应该有他话语里的错误会很快被揭露的意识,并且要对此感到满意,As for what is true, he can count on ultimately seeing it accepted, if only he lives long enough.因为只要他活得够长,他就能寄希望于看见那些正确的道理被人们接受。 /201309/258154


文章编辑: 飞度云诊疗
>>图片新闻