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Teaching economics经济学教育The demand side需求方The economics curriculum is evolving, but too slowly for some经济学课程正在不断发展,但对于某些人来说节奏略慢“I DONT care who writes a nations laws, or crafts its advanced treatises, if I can write its economics textbooks.” So said Paul Samuelson, an American economist who more than achieved his aim by producing a bestseller. But debate swirls around the teaching of the dismal science—nowhere more so than in Britain.“如果我能书写一本关于这个国家的经济学教材,我将不会关心谁来制定国家的法律或者发表先进的论述。”美国经济学家Paul Samuelson如是说,因为其畅销书,他早已达到了他的目标。但是围绕政治经济学教学的争论从未停止——以英国为最甚。When the financial crisis hit in 2007-08, many economics students found themselves ill-equipped to think about what had gone wrong in the economy or how to fix it. Although researchers in top universities had studied financial panics, their work had not filtered down to the lecture theatre. Undergraduate courses focused on drier stuff, imparting a core of basic material that had not changed much for decades.当07年和08年金融危机席卷全球时,许多经济学的学生发现他们苦思冥想也想不出经济出了什么问题、应该怎样修复。尽管顶尖大学的研究人员对金融恐慌进行了研究,但他们的研究并没有走进课堂。大学本科的课程侧重于枯燥的原理,把多年不变的基本理论的核心传授给学生。As a result, aspiring economists struggled to analyse burning issues such as credit crunches, bank bail-outs and quantitative easing. Employers complained that recruits were technically able but could not relate theory to the real world. Graduatesknowledge of economic history—crucial during the crisis, given its parallels with the Depression of the 1930s—was especially lacking.这种模式导致心怀大志的经济学家致力于分析和解决燃眉之急,比如信贷危机、纾困以及量化宽松政策。雇主们抱怨招募进来的雇员拥有理论知识但不能把理论用于现实。大学生掌握的经济学历史的知识——在此次金融危机中十分重要,因为其与20世纪30年代的大萧条极为类似—尤为缺乏。Students became dissatisfied, too. Groups such as Rethinking Economics, a London-based network of student reformers, emerged to challenge the conventional wisdom of the classroom. At Manchester University, a student revolt led to plummeting satisfaction scores, driving the economics course down the league table.经济学学生也对现状十分不满。学生组织纷纷出现,由伦敦学生改革派组成的 “反思经济学” 开始挑战课堂上传统的经济学思维。在曼彻斯特大学,学生反抗活动使得学生对经济学课程满意度下降,迫使该课程未能登上课程排行榜。Teachers have now responded. University College London has introduced a new curriculum, the result of a project led by Professor Wendy Carlin. The old textbooks had things the wrong way round, Ms Carlin says. They taught concepts like supply and demand in an abstract way and then illustrated them with simple examples, such as the market for apples and oranges. By contrast, the new material challenges students to consider real-world topics from the outset. The section on labour supply begins with the history of real wage growth. The new course also acknowledges the limitations of basic models: the trade-off between efficiency and fairness is mentioned early, for instance. Students consider only the first in most introductory courses elsewhere.老师们现在终于有所回应。由于Wendy Carlin教授主持的一个项目,英国伦敦大学学院引进了一个新的课程。Carlin女士说,以前的课本完全搞错了方向。它们用一些抽象的方式来教授供给和需求等经济学概念,然后用市场上的苹果和橘子这种简单的例子来告诉学生。而现在,新的教科书鼓励学生从现实生活中找到例子。书中关于劳动力供给的这一部分就是从实际工资增长的历史开始讲起的。这个新课程也认识到基本模型的局限性:比如,效率与公平的权衡在很早就告知了学生。而其他学校的学生在大部分入门课程上只注重前者。Though Ms Carlin and her colleagues are overhauling teaching methods, the content of the course remains fairly mainstream. That irks those who think the financial crisis has posed a more fundamental challenge to the subject. Rethinking Economics wants curricula to cover heterodox schools of thought. For example, mainstream economic models rely heavily on the concept of equilibrium—a state in which nobody has an incentive to change their behaviour. Critics say this is never reached in the real world, so is a flawed starting point. They want more philosophical discussion about how best to approach economics, and point to Leeds, Greenwich and Kingston universities as models of how to do this.尽管Carlin与其同事在改革教学方式,课程内容仍然跟随主流。这让那些认为金融危机给经济学带来了更为根本性挑战的人们十分恼火。“反思经济学”希望经济学课程能够涵盖非正统的思想流派。举个例子,主流经济学模型严重依赖均衡范式—一种人们没有动机去改变行为的状态。批评者说这在现实生活中根本不可能实现,所以经济学家一开始就错了。们想要在如何更好解决经济学问题上展开更多理论性的论述,并且点名利兹、 格林威治和金斯顿大学作为试点。Two rather different questions have been posed. One asks whether courses do a good job of equipping students with the most important insights from mainstream academic research. The other asks whether young economists should learn more than just todays favoured approach. It would be odd if curricula departed radically from the academic consensus. But perhaps mainstream theory must catch up with its students.两个迥然不同的问题随之而来。一个是关于课程是否能够为学生从主流学术研究中找到一个最重要的视角。另一个则是年轻的经济学家是否能够不只是学习现今受大众喜欢的方法。如果课程完全背离学术共识,那也会显得很奇怪。但,毋庸置疑,主流的经济学理论必须赶上学生的脚步。译者:胡雅琳 校对:石海霞译文属译生译世 /201502/360210What emerged from the battle, and the bloodshed, was a separate kingdom, Guge.古格王朝遂在这些内乱及杀戮中应运而生。Guge flourished at the geographical crossroad to some of the greatest civilizations of the time.位居地理要道的古格王朝繁荣发展,成为当时最伟大的文明。Tsaparang was the center of trade for the Guge kingdom in the autumn and spring, nornads would bring wool, skins and salt to trade in Tsaparang.札布让曾经是古格王朝的贸易中心,每逢秋季和夏季游牧民族会带着羊毛毛皮和食盐到札布让交易。And in the summer, people from the south side of the Himalaya would come down here to trade.到了夏天喜马拉雅山南部的居民也会下山来这里交易。Therefore the prosperity of the Guge kingdom depended on all this trade.古格王朝的繁荣全都仰赖这些贸易。The kings wealth came from gold mines.国王的财富来自金矿。And they are supplemented by arms given by the pilgrims traveling through the kingdom.来到古格王朝的朝圣者所捐献的香火钱更增加了国王的财富。None of these which is however, could ensure what the kingdom needed most, water.然而这些财富却无法担保古格王朝有源源不绝的水。Tsaparang lay admits a vast and arid desert.札布让位在一望无际的干漠中。In order to guarantee Guge’s survival, the king was forced to spend much of his resources transporting water to the city and to the farms that it depended on.为了让古格王朝千古流传,国王花大量的资源将水运到王城及农田。The ancient irrigation canals, wells and even a 20-kilometer-long aqueduct, stretching from the sit-lege river to the citadel, can still be seen amidst the ruins-evidence of the massive undertakings to keep this oasis alive.在古格王朝的遗址中,依然可以见到古老的灌溉沟渠,水井,甚至从象泉河绵延二十公里,将水送到札布让城。With their power and livelihood secure, the royal proceeded to live a life full of absolute opulence.一切显示国王花了多大的工程维持古格王朝这座沙漠绿洲。 译文属201602/426116Libyas government利比亚政府Sailing into troubled waters驶向穷途A struggle to control oil exports reflects deeper dysfunction政府职能紊乱,无力控制原油出口“OIL IS our strength”, declares a billboard campaign launched by Libyas oil ministry. The advertising is meant to foster national pride in a country still riven with regional and tribal faultlines three years after the ousting of its dictator, Muammar Qaddafi. But in Libyas restless eastern half, sometimes known as Cyrenaica, armed federalists are trying to make that slogan a political reality.“石油是我们的力量。”利比亚石油部门在宣传活动中提出这句标语。在驱逐了独裁者卡扎菲·格达菲三年后,国家仍然四分五裂,部落存在断层。在这样的环境下,这句口号本是为了重聚国家的自豪感,然而在利比亚躁动的东半部,也就是所谓的昔兰尼加,武装组织却正将这一口号变为政治现实。Since July a group calling itself the Cyrenaica Political Bureau has blockaded Libyas main oil ports, the countrys chief source of income. Its initial pretext was to protest against alleged fraud in oil-export accounts, but its ambitions have widened. On March 11th it pulled off a coup, successfully loading and dispatching 234,000 barrels of crude oil—worth about m—aboard a North Korean-flagged tanker, in defiance of the central government.从7月开始,自称为昔兰尼加政府的组织就封锁了利比亚石油出口的主要港口,而这是国家收入的主要来源。最初封锁的理由只是反对石油进口诈欺案,但它的野心越变越大。3月11日,组织发动政变,无视中央政府,强行卸下234000桶原油(约3000万美元)调运到朝鲜油轮上。Authorities in the capital, Tripoli, responded furiously. On March 9th Ali Zeidan, the prime minister, called it an act of piracy and warned that the tanker would be bombed if it tried to leave the port of Es-Sider. Navy craft were mobilised to prevent the ship from departing. When it escaped nonetheless, apparently after a brief skirmish, Libyas acting proto-parliament, the 200-member General National Congress (GNC), voted to dismiss Mr Zeidan. Powerful local militias loyal to the GNC began an advance from Sirte, midway along the Libyan coast, towards the east. The rebels have been given two weeks to give up the oil terminals.位于首都黎波里的当局对此反映强烈。3月9日,首相阿里·扎伊丹称这是盗窃行为,并且警告油轮如果试图离开意赛德港口,将会遭到炮击,并派遣海军舰队组织油轮的离开。然而在经过了一场小冲突后,它仍然逃脱了,利比亚国民议会因此投票罢免了扎伊丹。议会所属的武装力量立即从苏尔特沿着利比亚海岸出发一路向东,要求反叛军在两周之内放弃石油港口。The drama has set the scene for what some analysts fear could be a descent into deeper disorder. The eastern rebels are no match for the better-armed government-aligned forces, and ordinary Cyrenaicans have little appetite for another all-out war, particularly given bitter local rivalries. But there is still a danger that the authorities in Tripoli may overplay their hand to the point of provoking full-scale rebellion in the east.戏剧化的事态发展使分析师原本认为的袭击恶化为深层混乱。东部反叛军无法对抗装备良好的政府武装力量,而昔兰尼加平民也不希望另一场全面战争爆发,尤其反对激烈冲突。然而黎波里当局仍有可能过度插手,从而引发东部大规模的叛乱。In moving to oust Mr Zeidan, the GNC asserted itself as Libyas prime authority. But it is divided along factional lines and has few tools to impose its writ. Blaming the ex-premier for the tanker fiasco, it also directed the state prosecutor to charge him with embezzlement. Mr Zeidan still managed to flee to Germany.在驱逐扎伊丹的行动中,GNC声称它们自己是利比亚主要的当局。但是它沿着派系线来划分并且用一些工具来加强自己的法令。对前任首相油轮事件惨败的指责,也带来了国家检察官对他贪污的指控。扎伊丹仍试图逃亡德国。In fact, many Libyans view the GNC as dimly as they had come to regard Mr Zeidan. Behind its manoeuvrings many see the hand of powerful Islamist groups, led by the Justice and Construction Party, which is affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood. Frequently during Mr Zeidans year-and-a-bit in office, these groups moved to stymie his governments initiatives. The newly installed interim prime minister, Abdullah al-Thinni, a former defence minister, is thought to be close to the Islamists, as is the speaker of the GNC, Nuri Abu Sahmain. Both men are supported by the countrys best-armed militias, based in the city of Misrata, whereas Mr Zeidan was backed by armed groups from Zintan, to the southwest of Tripoli.事实上,许多利比亚人隐约地看待GNC如果看待扎伊丹一样。它的阴谋活动背后有许多能看到由公正和建设党领导的伊斯兰主义组织,隶属于穆斯林兄弟会。扎伊丹任职期间这些组织频繁的妨碍他政府的主动权。新上任的临时首相,前国防部部长Abdullah al-Thinni也被认为是伊斯兰主义者,就像GNC的发言人Nuri Abu Sahmain一样。他们都是由总部在米苏拉塔的国家最好的民兵持,然而扎伊丹是由来自黎波里西南部城市津坦的武装组织持。These rival forces have clashed around Tripoli for several months. In the wake of Mr Zeidans ejection the citys military council, which co-ordinates Tripolis various local militias, issued an order for the withdrawal of “forces occupying strategic positions”. This was seen as a warning to the Zintan group, which controls the capitals main airport among other places.这些敌对势力在黎波里发生冲突好几个月了。随着扎伊丹被负责协调黎波里大量当地的民兵的军事委员会驱逐,他们提出撤回“武装占领战略位置”的要求。这被看作是做对津坦组织的一个警告,该组织控制着首都与其他地方之间的主要机场。The main city in the east, Benghazi, has meanwhile become increasingly insecure. Near-daily bombings and assassinations appear to be aimed at undermining any authority, to the advantage of jihadist factions that seek to impose Islamic law. With oil exports slumping from 1.4m barrels a day to around 235,000, the central government has plundered the countrys foreign reserves to keep salaries flowing. It is not clear how long it can afford to continue.东城区主部班加西,同时日益危险。几乎每天出现炮轰和暗杀,旨在破坏任何当局,利用圣战主义派系来加强伊斯兰法律。随着石油进口量从每天14,000,00桶下降到大约235,000桶,中央政府还是掠夺国家的外汇储备来维持资金的流动。目前尚不清楚它能持续多久。These ingredients make a combustible mixture. Fighting in the east could provoke a wider insurrection there; and deepening disorder in Tripoli could tempt other local authorities, especially those in the deep south, to declare their autonomy. Should a Brotherhood-friendly government emerge in Tripoli, neighbouring countries such as Egypt and Algeria would become twitchy.这些因素都是这些混合情况一促即发。东部的争斗可能会引发更深的动乱,黎波里严重加深的动乱会引起其他当局,特别是南方的,来宣布他们的自主权。是否一个兄弟友好型的政府在黎波里出现,会引起周边如埃及和阿尔及利亚国家的焦躁不安呢。Libya may yet drag itself back from the brink. Rather than attempting to hold their ground at Sirte, the Cyrenaican rebels quietly pulled back to the old border line that demarcates the former federal region, which was abolished in 1963. Optimists point out that Mr Zeidan was ousted by an elected body, and left without a shot fired. GNC members have promised fresh national elections by midsummer. But just now that looks awfully distant.利比亚可能仍未将自己从边缘处来回。与其试图守住在苏尔特的立场,昔兰尼加反叛军悄悄回到老的前联邦区域的边境线,这边境线在1963时曾被废除。乐观主义者指出扎伊丹是由民选机构驱逐的,并未留下战火。GNC成员已经承诺在盛夏时举行新的选举。但这似乎看起来遥不可及。 译文属译生译世 /201507/383756French defence sales法国国防交易Mistral blows兜售“西北风”Why France insists on going ahead with selling warships to Russia法国为何坚持对俄出售“西北风”级两栖攻击舰EVEN before France signed a deal in 2011 to build two Mistral-class assault ships for Russia, the idea prompted widesp unease. Had Russia possessed such warships in 2008, boasted its naval chief, Admiral Vladimir Vysotsky, it would have won its war against Georgia in “40 minutes instead of 26 hours”. Russias neighbours were accordingly troubled, but so were Frances closest allies. In Paris before the deal, Robert Gates, then Americas defence secretary, had what he called a “thorough exchange of views” with the French: code for a serious disagreement.早在2011年法国刚签订对俄出售“西北风”级两栖攻击舰时,各地就纷纷表示不安。俄罗斯海军主席Admiral Vladimir Vysotsky也吹嘘,若是2008年俄就拥有这些军舰,那么击败格鲁吉亚就不必26小时,而只需40分钟。俄罗斯的邻国们同样因法俄交易合同而心头慌慌,就连法国最亲的同盟也略感紧张。合同签订前, 后成为美国国防部长的Robert Gates于巴黎和法国负责人进行了一系列自称是“透彻详尽的意见交流”洽谈:就一个严重分歧的处理准则。Now, as the Ukraine crisis lurches on, the Mistral sale is creating fresh ructions. At a meeting in Washington with John Kerry, Americas secretary of state, this week, Laurent Fabius, Frances foreign minister, found himself forced to defend it. Earlier this month, Victoria Nuland, Mr Kerrys assistant secretary, said she had “regularly and consistently expressed our concerns” about the sale. But Mr Fabius was having none of it. France, he said on May 13th, would take firmness lessons from nobody: “the rule with contracts is that contracts which have been signed are honoured.”随着乌克兰危机事件的蔓延,“西北风”军售合同再引骚动。本周于华盛顿和美国国务卿John Kerry的会晤谈话上,法国外交部部长Laurent Fabius不得不为本国此举加以辩护。本月初,John Kerry的秘书助理Victoria Nuland就称自己“一直对此次交易忧心忡忡”。然而,法国外交部部长Laurent Fabius却一点也不担忧。5月13日,他还对外宣称法国向来自我立场坚定,不受外界所动摇:“于此合同有一准则,那就是已签订的合同必须兑现”。At a moment when Europe and America are trying to co-ordinate sanctions against Russia, the timing is nonetheless embarrassing. The mighty Mistral-class vessels, 199m long, are not gunships. But their capacity to carry and land hundreds of soldiers and over a dozen armoured tanks and amphibious craft, as well as to transport some 16 helicopters, greatly enhances power projection. The first of the two ships, named the Vladivostok, will be y for delivery to Russia in October this year; the second, more pointedly named the Sevastopol, in mid-2015. Next month 400 Russian naval staff will arrive for training in Saint-Nazaire, the French Atlantic port where the vessels are being built.时值欧美强强联手制裁俄罗斯,现今的状况无疑是令人尴尬的。威力强大的“西风级”舰船长达199米,却非炮艇。但是,它可容纳成千上百的士兵,承载几十架装甲坦克和两栖飞行器,并能置放16架直升飞机,这大大提高了俄罗斯的力量投送能力。第一艘“西风级”舰船名为Vladivostok,预计今年10月将抵达俄罗斯;第二艘名字更加霸气,叫Sevastopol,预计2015年中期竣工。下月,400名俄罗斯海军将抵达圣纳泽尔Saint-Nazaire开始接受训练。圣纳泽尔是法国西部大西洋的港口城市,这批军舰也正是在此处修建的。There are 400 jobs directly at stake at the Saint-Nazaire shipyard (which also built the Queen Mary 2 cruise liner), and over 1,000 that depend on the contract. The French state has a 33% stake in STX France, the shipyard owner, and orders from the French navy help keep it in work. At a time when unemployment is high, President Fran?ois Hollande can ill afford to put more jobs in peril. And breach of the 1.2 billion contract would entail a fat penalty payment to Russia, which has aly settled half the price. Hence Frances consistent refusal to contemplate anything other than completing construction as planned. The contract, Mr Hollande repeated on May 10th, “is not in doubt”.圣纳泽尔造船厂(也曾建造了玛丽女王2邮轮)如今过400份工作都直面危机,且过千种工作的命运都直接掌控在法俄协议手上。法国政府拥有船厂STX France33%的股份,厂长与法国海军的订单帮助巩固了政府的股份权。眼下法国就业陷入低迷状态,奥朗德总统当然不敢轻易让更多的工作遭遇危机。此次合同交易额高达120万英镑(170万美元),而若法国违约,那么它将向俄罗斯付巨额赔款,近乎一半交易额。因此,法国一而再再而三地拒绝深入考虑其它事宜,只想按原计划完成舰船建造工程。Hollande于5月10日多次强调,实施合同“势在必行”。Could this change? Officials in Paris suggest that the only circumstances in which France might reconsider delivery would be an agreement with its allies to move to deeper “third-stage” sanctions, in such sectors as energy, finance and defence. But, say the French, this would have to include equally tough measures by, for instance, Britain against Russian assets in London. “There is an enormous amount of French ill-will towards the way the British are seen as having lived off the fat of Russias oligarchs,” says Fran?ois Heisbourg, of the Foundation for Strategic Research. “The French will resist any idea that they take a unilateral hit.”合同的执行会否出现转机呢?巴黎官员认为,要想法国重新考虑武器交易一事,唯一的可能就是法国和同盟国就在能源、经济及国防等领域“三度”制裁俄罗斯事件上达成协议。不过,法国也表示这必伴随着同等苛刻的举措,例如英反对俄在伦敦的资产。“英国一直被视为寡头政治执政者俄罗斯的寄生虫,对此法国向来是嗤之以鼻的。” 战略研究基金会的Fran?ois Heisbourg如是说。“法国对外界任何称它在打单边战术的评点都一一加之反驳”。The French government will take a final decision in October, when the first vessel is y for delivery, says Jean-Yves Le Drian, the defence minister. America may disapprove, but there is little domestic pressure to cancel the order, despite the Ukraine crisis. Mr Hollande has not withdrawn his invitation to Russias Vladimir Putin to come to the 70th anniversary commemoration of the Normandy landings in June. There is almost no public or parliamentary debate in France over the warship sales, and both the political left and right are keeping quiet about any reservations they might have. Mr Hollandes Socialist government wants to avoid a fresh fiasco over jobs and industry. And the centre-right opposition party is keenly aware that the original contract was won by its own leader and former French president, Nicolas Sarkozy.国防部部长Jean-Yves Le Drian发言,等到10月第一艘军舰竣工待要运往俄时,法国政府会做出最后决策。美国或许会反对。然而法国境内,尽管受乌克兰危机影响,反对呼声并不高。Hollande也并未撤回对俄总统普金的邀请,届时欢迎普京参加诺曼底“6月登陆”70周年大庆盛宴。在法国,此次军事武器交易活动几乎毫无异议,无论是公众之间还是议会内部,无论是左翼党派,还是右翼党派,均守口如瓶,未发表任何个人意见。以Hollande为首的社会主义政府不想陷入就业和工业萧条的漩涡中。且中右翼反对党深刻意识到,最初的合同是由自己的领袖,即前法国总统Nicolas Sarkozy争取而来的。 翻译:徐珍 校对:张娣 译文属译生译世 /201508/394137

Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the House, once again ruled out putting himself forward as a candidate for the Republican Partys presidential nomination.美国众议院议长保罗·瑞恩(Paul Ryan)再次拒绝参加共和党总统提名选举。Some Republicans had hoped he might ride to the rescue at the convention in Cleveland, saving them from either Donald Trump or Ted Cruz.一些共和党人希望他能够在克里兰夫大会上拯救共和党于水深火热之中,拯救他们逃离唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)和特德·克鲁兹(Ted Cruz)。That now looks unlikely.现在这似乎是不可能事件了。Peace talks between some of Syrias warring parties restarted in Geneva.叙利亚交战多方在日内瓦再次举行和平谈判。But with a new ground offensive, supported by Russian air strikes, poised to start against rebel-held parts of Aleppo, the partial ceasefire struck in February risks falling apart.在俄罗斯空袭协助下,随着新一轮地面交战的展开,叛军控制的阿勒波(Aleppo)地区将再起硝烟,2月份达成的地区停火协议再次面临瓦解。Meanwhile Bashar al-Assads government organised elections in its remaining territory, which Western countries denounced as a sham.与此同时,巴沙尔·阿萨德(Bashar al-Assad)政权在其控制区内举行选举,西方国家认为这不过是个骗局罢了。Drought forced Malawis president, Peter Mutharika, to declare a national emergency.马拉维遭遇大干旱,总统彼得·穆塔里卡(Peter Mutharika)宣布全国进入紧急状态。Some 3m people in his country aly require food aid.该国约有300万人急需粮食援助。American air strikes in Somalia killed 12 members of the Shabab, a jihadist outfit.美国空袭索马里,炸死12名青年党圣战武装分子。A Pentagon spokesman said they posed an imminent threat to American soldiers assisting the Somali government.国防部发言人表示因为这些青年党已对协助索马里政府的美国军队造成威胁,迫于形势美国才实行空袭。Egypts president, Abdel-Fatahal-Sisi, caused uproar on social media by announcing that two uninhabited islands that Egypt has been looking after since the 1950s will be handed back to Saudi Arabia.埃及总统阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西(Abdel-Fatahal-Sisi)近日宣布将两座自上世纪50年代以来一直由埃及照管的无人荒岛交还沙特阿拉伯,这在社交媒体界引起一片哗然。He angrily refused to answer questions about the agreement.一气之下,关于此协议的所有问题,他都避而不答。Mobile-internet services were suspended in parts of Indian-controlled Kashmir, to slow the sp of protests against the security forces killing of four civilians at two separate demonstrations.在克什米尔印控区两次示威游行中,四名平民遭保安部队杀害,引发民众抗议。为延缓该消息的传播,该地区部分移动互联网务中断。The ruling party in South Korea lost its long-held parliamentary majority, worsening a long-standing legislative gridlock that hampers President Park Geun-hyes plans.韩国执政党在国会丧失长期以来的优势地位,使得阻碍总统朴槿惠(Park Geun-hye)实施计划的立法僵局进一步恶化。Her Saenuri party had hoped to increase its share of the 300- seat National Assembly to three-fifths (the fraction required to bring bills to a vote).这项立法争议存在已久。朴槿惠所在的新国家党(Saenuri party)希望在300席位的国会中增加该党的实力,达到五分之三的席位(这是举行议案投票的比例)。Inky, a common octopus, made a bold contortionists escape from New Zealand national aquarium.近日,一只名叫黑墨(Inky)的普通章鱼从新西兰国家海洋馆利用柔软的身形勇敢出逃。Slipping through a gap at the top of his tank, he scurried across the floor and made his way down a 50-metre drainpipe into Hawkes Bay, North Island.它从水箱顶部的一条细缝溜出,快速穿过地面,通过长达50米的排水管,进入新西兰北岛的霍克湾。 译文属译生译世201604/439587

Less than 1% of Germans were Jewish,and few dared to now claim they were Communists.当时德国只有不到1%的犹太人,几乎没有人敢承认自己是共产党。So the vast majority of Germans were not at risk from prosecution as long as they embraced the new world of Nazism.大部分德国人没有遭迫害,只要他们拥护纳粹主义的新世界即可。And since unemployment was falling and the economy seemed to be picking up,many ordinary Germans now felt this was the beginning of a new, more optimistic era.由于失业率降低,经济似乎也开始回暖,很多德国老百姓觉得,这是乐观的新时代。At first, you were carried along by a wave of hope,because we had it better.引自德国学生记述 起初我们心中充满希望,因为社会变好了。We had order in the country. We had, well, security.国家有了秩序,人人有安全感。In particular, the young were taught the Nazi world view.特别是年轻人的纳粹世界观中。Most importantly, that Hitler was a flawless leader.最重要,希特勒是完美的领导人。These members of the Hitler Youth were the future soldiers of Germany,from whom Hitler would demand absolute loyalty.这些青年团成员,是德国未来士兵,希特勒要求他们绝对忠诚。It was hammered into us even in the Hitler Youth-Germany must live, even if we have to die.在青年团中我们被灌输这种思想,德国必须生存,即使要牺牲性命。Then, I realised that people in the Hitler Youth had a vulgar way of dealing with each other.当我看到其成员时,对待彼此都很粗鲁时。A very unpleasant and violent manner was customary.不客气和暴力习以为常。The way, for example, we were told,例如我们被告知。If your teachers havent yet grasped this new era,then smack them in the mouth!若你们的老师还不认可这个新纪元,就去掌掴他嘴巴。Now that they were in power, many of those close to Hitler found their belief in him had intensified still further.现纳粹掌权,本跟希特勒共事的人,对他信心更是有增无减。 译文属201512/416054

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