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楼主:养心门户 时间:2019年10月17日 04:49:49 点击:0 回复:0
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Economics brief: six big ideas.经济概要:六大经济思想。Information asymmetry: Secrets and agents信息不对称:秘密和代理George Akerlofs 1970 paper, “The Market for Lemons”, is a foundation stone of information economics, the first in our series on seminal economic ideas.六大经济思想之一,乔治·阿克洛夫1970年的论文——《柠檬市场》,它是信息经济学的一块基石。In 2007 the state of Washington introduced a new rule aimed at making the labour market fairer: firms were banned from checking job applicants credit scores.2007年,华盛顿州引入了一项旨在让劳动力市场更公平的新法律:企业被禁止核查求职者的信用得分。Campaigners celebrated the new law as a step towards equality—an applicant with a low credit score is much more likely to be poor, black or young.发起这项运动的人欢呼庆祝,认为这是通向平等的一步——信用得分低的求职者极有可能是穷人、黑人或者年轻人。Since then, ten other states have followed suit.自那以后,又有十个州如法炮制。But when Robert Clifford and Daniel Shoag, two economists, recently studied the bans, they found that the laws left blacks and the young with fewer jobs, not more.但是,日前,当两位经济学家——罗伯特·克利福德和丹尼尔·绍格——研究了这些禁令时,他们发现,这些法律带给黑人和年轻人的工作更少了,而不是更多。Before 1970, economists would not have found much in their discipline to help them mull this puzzle.放在1970年之前,经济学家是不会在这门学科中找到太多的东西来帮助他们仔细思考这个迷的。Indeed, they did not think very hard about the role of information at all.实际上,他们当时根本就没有很努力地去思考信息的作用。In the labour market, for example, the textbooks mostly assumed that employers know the productivity of their workers—or potential workers—and, thanks to competition, pay them for exactly the value of what they produce.例如,那时的教科书大都假设,在劳动力市场中,雇主知道他们的工人——或者潜在的工人——的生产率,而且,由于竞争,是按照工人所生产的东西的价值给他们开工资的。You might think that research upending that conclusion would immediately be celebrated as an important breakthrough.人们可能认为,颠覆这一论断的研究立即会被誉为一项重大突破。Yet when, in the late 1960s, George Akerlof wrote “The Market for Lemons”, which did just that, and later won its author a Nobel prize, the paper was rejected by three leading journals.然而,当乔治·阿克洛夫于上世纪60年代末期写出恰恰实现了这种突破并为作者赢得了诺贝尔奖的《柠檬市场》时,这篇论文曾遭到三家主要期刊拒绝。At the time, Mr Akerlof was an assistant professor at the University of California, Berkeley; he had only completed his PhD, at MIT, in 1966.那时,阿克洛夫是加州大学伯克利分校的一名助教;仅于1966年在麻省理工完成了士学位。Perhaps as a result, the American Economic Review thought his papers insights trivial.也许是因为这个原因,《美国经济》认为他的论文的观点微不足道。The Review of Economic Studies agreed.《经济研究》同意了这个看法。The Journal of Political Economy had almost the opposite concern: it could not stomach the papers implications.《 政治经济学杂志》有着几乎完全相反的担忧:它可能消化不了这篇论文深远意义。Mr Akerlof, now an emeritus professor at Berkeley and married to Janet Yellen, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, recalls the editors complaint: “If this is correct, economics would be different.”如今已是伯克利分校名誉教授并同美联储主席珍妮特·耶伦成婚的阿克洛夫还记着那位编辑的不满:“如果这是正确的,经济学会截然不同。”In a way, the editors were all right.从某种程度上来说,这些编辑当时都是对的。Mr Akerlofs idea, eventually published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics in 1970, was at once simple and revolutionary.最终于1970年在《经济学季刊》上发表了的阿克洛夫的思想即是简单的,也是革命性的。Suppose buyers in the used-car market value good cars— “peaches” —at ,000, and sellers at slightly less.假设,二手车市场中的买方给好车—— “桃子” ——估价1000美元,卖方要稍微少一点。A malfunctioning used car—a “lemon” —is worth only 0 to buyers (and, again, slightly less to sellers) .一辆瑕疵二手车—— “柠檬”,对买方而言,只值500美元 (而且对卖方来说,又要稍微少一点)。If buyers can tell lemons and peaches apart, trade in both will flourish.如果买方能够区分柠檬和桃子,两者的交易都会红火起来。In reality, buyers might struggle to tell the difference: scratches can be touched up, engine problems left undisclosed, even odometers tampered with.在现实中,买方可能会设法找出不同:刮痕可能被补上了,发动机问题可能未得到披露,甚至里程表都可能被篡改了。To account for the risk that a car is a lemon, buyers cut their offers.为了对车是柠檬的风险负责,买方大肆杀价。They might be willing to pay, say, 0 for a car they perceive as having an even chance of being a lemon or a peach.比如说,他们可能愿意为一辆他们认为有着或是柠檬或是桃子的同等几率的车付750美元。But dealers who know for sure they have a peach will reject such an offer.但是,确切地知道自己的车是桃子的交易者将拒绝这样的出价。As a result, the buyers face “adverse selection” : the only sellers who will be prepared to accept 0 will be those who know they are offloading a lemon.结果,买方面临 “逆向选择” : 唯一准备接受750美元的卖家将是知道自己正在脱手柠檬的人。Smart buyers can foresee this problem.聪明的买方能预见到这个问题。Knowing they will only ever be sold a lemon, they offer only 0.由于知道自己永远只会被卖给柠檬,他们仅出价500美元。Sellers of lemons end up with the same price as they would have done were there no ambiguity.最后,柠檬的卖方得到的是与没有歧义时会得到的价格同样的价格。But peaches stay in the garage.但是,桃子还在仓库中。This is a tragedy: there are buyers who would happily pay the asking-price for a peach, if only they could be sure of the cars quality.这是一种悲剧:只要能确信汽车的质量,会高高兴兴地为桃子付询价的买方是存在的。This “information asymmetry” between buyers and sellers kills the market.买卖双方之间的这种 “信息不对称” 杀死了市场。Is it really true that you can win a Nobel prize just for observing that some people in markets know more than others?仅仅因为观察到市场中的某些人比别人知道得多就能获得诺贝尔奖这种事是千真万确的吗?That was the question one journalist asked of Michael Spence, who, along with Mr Akerlof and Joseph Stiglitz, was a joint recipient of the 2001 Nobel award for their work on information asymmetry.这曾是一名记者向迈克尔·斯彭斯——这位与阿克洛夫和约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨一起因为他们对信息不对称的研究而获得2001年诺贝尔奖的联合得主——问到的问题。His incredulity was understandable.他的怀疑是可以理解的。The lemons paper was not even an accurate description of the used-car market: clearly not every used car sold is a dud.柠檬论文甚至不是一篇关于二手车市场的精准描述:很明显,不是每一辆在售二手车都是有瑕疵的车。And insurers had long recognised that their customers might be the best judges of what risks they faced, and that those keenest to buy insurance were probably the riskiest bets.另外,保险商早就承认,他们的客户可能是其自身所面临的风险的最佳判定者,最急于要投保的可能是风险最大的。Yet the idea was new to mainstream economists, who quickly realised that it made many of their models redundant.然而,这个思想对于主流经济学家来说全新的,他们很快就认识到它已让他们的许多模型显得多余。Further breakthroughs soon followed, as researchers examined how the asymmetry problem could be solved.没过多久,随着研究者检验不对称问题能得到怎样的解决,进一步的突破随之而来。Mr Spences flagship contribution was a 1973 paper called “Job Market Signalling” that looked at the labour market.斯彭斯的主要贡献是1973年的一篇名为 “就业市场信号行为” 的考察劳动力市场的论文。Employers may struggle to tell which job candidates are best.雇主可能难以挑出最好的那个求职者。Mr Spence showed that top workers might signal their talents to firms by collecting gongs, like college degrees.斯彭斯指出,顶层的工人或许会以收集荣誉——如大学学位——的行为为信号,向企业展示自己的才华。Crucially, this only works if the signal is credible: if low-productivity workers found it easy to get a degree, then they could masquerade as clever types.关键是,这只有在信号是可信的时候才管用:如果低生产力的工人发现得到学位很容易,他们就可能把自己装扮成聪明之人。This idea turns conventional wisdom on its head.这一思想彻底颠覆了传统的智慧。Education is usually thought to benefit society by making workers more productive.一般认为,教育之有益于社会,是因为它让工人变得更高效。If it is merely a signal of talent, the returns to investment in education flow to the students, who earn a higher wage at the expense of the less able, and perhaps to universities, but not to society at large.如果它仅仅是才华的一个象征,教育投资的所得就会流向学生,使他们以才华较少之人为代价获得更高的工资;或者也可能是各个大学,但不是整个社会。One disciple of the idea, Bryan Caplan of George Mason University, is currently penning a book entitled “The Case Against Education”.这个思想的一位信徒——乔治梅森大学的布莱恩·卡普兰目前正在撰写一本名为《反对教育之种种》的书。(Mr Spence himself regrets that others took his theory as a literal description of the world. )(斯彭斯本人后悔的是,被人把他的理论当成是对这个世界的一种文字描述。)Signalling helps explain what happened when Washington and those other states stopped firms from obtaining job-applicants credit scores.信号行为有助于解释华盛顿等州在阻止企业获得求职者信用得分时所发生了的事情。Credit history is a credible signal: it is hard to fake, and, presumably, those with good credit scores are more likely to make good employees than those who default on their debts.信用历史是一个可信的信号:它难以造假,而且,可以假定,信用得分良好的人比债务违约的人更有可能成为好雇员。Messrs Clifford and Shoag found that when firms could no longer access credit scores, they put more weight on other signals, like education and experience.克利福德先生和绍格先生发现,当企业不再能得到信用得分时,会把重点放在其他信号上面,如教育和资历。Because these are rarer among disadvantaged groups, it became harder, not easier, for them to convince employers of their worth.因为这些信号在弱势劣群体中较为少见,因而,对他们而言,让雇主相信自己的价值就变得更难,而不是更容易。 /201701/4871711. It's on me.我请客。It's on the house.免费赠送2. It's my treat.见了treat,别以为它只有"对待"的意思,它还可以表示"款待、招待"。当然treat还有"名词"的身份,表示"请客、做东",所以如果你想表示"我做东,我请客",就拍拍胸脯说:It's my treat. 或是I want to treat you.3. Let me foot the bill.这里的foot真是和"英尺"、"脚"没有任何关系了,在老外的口头语中,foot可以做动词,表示"付帐单或费用",就相当于Let me pay the bill. /201108/151000Subject:Clean up your act. 迷你对话A: Shirley, I am promoted to be the deputy editor-in-chief.Shirley, 我被提升为副主编了。B: Congratulations. Clean up your act.祝贺你,好好表现吧。 地道表达 clean up one’s act 1. 解词释义Clean up有很多含义,例如:打扫,整理,清理,梳理还有大捞一把的意思。Clean up your act在面意思是“清理你的行为”,引申为“好好表现吧”或“洗心革面,重新做人”。 2. 拓展例句e.g. You had better clear up your act, if you want to go to a good school.如果你想上好的学校就要洗心革面,奋发图强。e.g. If he doesnt clean up his act soon, hes goings to get himself canned.他要是不改过自新,肯定会被炒掉的。e.g. He had better clean up his act, or he will be out of a job.他最好发奋图强,否则会失去工作。 /201406/303328A: Do you often keep in touch with Jane?你经常和Jane联系吗?B: Yeah, we call each other if we have time.是的,有空的话就相互打电话。A: I haven’t seen her for a long time.我很久没见她了。B: She changes a lot.她变了很多。A: I saw her last night. By the way, do you know she’s married?我昨晚看到了她。顺便问下,你知道她结婚了吗?B: Yes, with John.知道,和John结婚。A: It a little bit surprising, isn’t it?真有点出乎意料。B: Yes, indeed.确实是。 /201508/390222

Business: Travel visas A strange sort of welcome商业:旅行签,奇怪的欢迎方式Governments are deterring business travellers and tourists with cumbersome visa requirements that do little to make their countries more secure.多国政府正以繁琐的签要求阻挡商务旅行者和观光客,而这对维护国家安全作用甚微。THE rise of big emerging economies like China and India, and the steady march of globalisation, have led to a surge in the numbers of people wanting to travel abroad for business or tourism.中国和印度等大型新兴经济体的崛起,加上全球化的稳步迈进,使得想出国商务旅行或观光旅游的人数激增。As a result, demand for visas is at unprecedented levels.因此,对签的需求达到了前所未有的水平。In the fiscal year to the end of September 2014 the ed States granted just under 10m visas—up from around 6m in 1997, despite blips in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001 and the global financial crisis of 2007-08.截至2014年9月底的财政年度里,美国颁发了接近1000万份签。签数量从1997年的约600万份起逐渐增加,仅在2001年911恐怖袭击和2007至2008年全球金融危机之后有所波动。Citizens of America, Britain and some other rich countries can travel to most places without a visa.美国、英国和其他一些富裕国家的公民无需签即可到世界上大部分地区旅行。Chinese and Indian travellers are far more likely to have to apply for them.中国和印度的旅行者需要申请签的几率要大得多。And citizens of a few benighted places, such as Iraq and Afghanistan, have to submit to the cost and bureaucracy—and often the humiliation—of the visa-application process to get to most places.而少数几个落后国家如伊拉克和阿富汗等国的公民想去大部分地方都不得不忍受签申请的高成本和繁缛流程,还时常被羞辱。The most sensible response to this surge in demand for short-term visas would be for governments to streamline the application process and scrap the most onerous requirements.短期签的需求激增,最明智的应对应当是政府简化申请程序,废除最繁重的要求。But governments are often not sensible about such things.但是各国政府在这方面往往不那么明智。The 26 European countries with a common visa policy—the “Schengen group” —require tourists from India and other developing countries to provide several months worth of bank statements and pay slips.拥有统一签政策的26个欧洲国家,即“申根国”,要求来自印度和其他发展中国家的旅行者提供数月的对账单和工资单。Visitors to Britain often have to fill in a ten-page application form, including details of every trip abroad for the past ten years.去英国旅行的人通常得填写十页的申请表,包括过去十年每次出国旅行的详细情况。Business travellers to India must provide two references.去印度的商务旅行者必须提供两份推荐信。Mexico has scrapped a rule requiring visa applicants (including women) to submit a description of their mustaches.墨西哥已经废除了一条规定,要求签申请人(包括女性)提交关于其胡须的描述。But in 2016 America will start requiring visas for some travellers who currently do not need them—if, for example, they have visited Iran, Iraq, Syria or Sudan in the previous five years.但2016年美国将开始要求一些目前无需签的旅行者申请签,例如,那些在过去五年内到访过伊朗、伊拉克、叙利亚或苏丹的人。In many cases, instead of simplifying the visa process, governments have offloaded it to private contractors.很多时候,政府并未简化签流程,而是把它转交给私营承包机构。Travellers may now have to pay a service fee to the company handling their application on top of the standard visa fee.现在,除了标准的签费,旅行者可能还需要向处理申请的公司付一笔务费。The biggest firm in this growing business is VFS Global, which is part of Kuoni, a Swiss tourism company.在这个不断增长的行业中,最大的公司是VFS Global,它是瑞士旅游公司瑞士旅业集团的子公司。Starting from a single premises in Mumbai in 2001, handling applications for American visas, VFS now has more than 1,900 visa centres in 124 countries, processing paperwork for 48 governments.2001年VFS从位于孟买的一个单一办理机构起家,处理美国签申请,现在它在124个国家设有1900多个签中心,为48个政府处理签材料。Of the 113m visa applications made worldwide in 2013, one in three went through a contractor, reckons VFS, which has about half the market.据VFS估算,2013年全球1.13亿份签申请中,有三分之一通过承包商处理,其中VFS占有一半市场。Its main rivals are CSC, with around 10% of the market, and TLScontact, with around 7%.它主要的对手是约占10%市场份额的CSC和约占7%市场的TLScontact。Dozens of smaller firms make up the remainder of the market.几十家较小的公司瓜分了剩下的市场。The private contractors collect and verify the applicants paperwork, ensure that forms are filled in properly, take fingerprints and other biometric information and collect the fees.私营承包机构收集并验申请者的文件,确保表格正确填写,采集指纹和其他生物识别信息,并且收取费用。The consular staff of the destination country simply decide whether to grant the visa, and slap a sticker in the passport of successful applicants.目的地国领事馆的工作人员只决定是否颁发签,并在申请成功者的护照上贴上贴纸。For the contractors, it is a nice little earner.对于承包机构来说,这门生意很好赚。VFS probably enjoys operating margins of 20%, reckons Kathleen Gailliot, an analyst at Natixis, a French bank.法国外贸的分析师凯特琳·加耶里奥估算,VFS很可能享有20%的毛利率。The companies are given a free hand to pad their earnings with pricey “premium” services.这些公司已被赋予自主权,通过昂贵的“高级”务来增加收入。In Mumbai, for example, VFS offers Indians applying for British visas a text on their mobile phones to notify them that their passports are y for collection, at 128 rupees () a shot.例如在孟买,VFS向申请英国签的印度人提供发送短信到手机的务,通知他们护照已经可取,收费为128卢比(2美元)一单。For an extra 2,548 rupees, applicants can use a special “lounge” area while submitting their documents, and have their passports posted back to them.另加2548卢比,申请人在提交文件时可以使用特别的“休息区”,办好的护照也可以寄回给他们。VFS accounts for just 5% of Kuonis revenues but more than 60% of its operating profits.VFS仅占瑞士旅业集团收入的5%,但占其营业利润的60%还多。So bright are the divisions prospects that its parent company is getting out of the tour-operator business, which it has been in since 1906, to concentrate on visa-processing and a few other specialist travel services.这一部门的前景非常光明,因此母公司正逐步脱离自1906年起就开始运营的旅行社业务,专注于签办理和其他几项专业旅行务。Until VFS opened its Mumbai office, applicants had to queue for an average of five hours in the sweltering heat outside the American consulate.VFS在孟买开设分公司之前,申请人要顶着酷暑在美国领事馆外排平均五个小时的队。After the job was handed to the contractor, the typical waiting time fell to one hour.这项工作转交承包机构之后,一般的等候时间减至一小时。However, applicants still have no choice but to submit to whatever petty demands contractors make—such as, say, banning them from using mobile phones while they sit waiting for their appointments.但是申请人除了接受承包机构的各项要求之外仍然别无选择,无论这些要求多麽琐碎,例如,不准在等待面谈时使用手机。If the staff are rude, the queues are badly managed or the “extras” extravagantly priced, travellers can hardly take their business elsewhere.即便工作人员粗鲁无礼,队伍排得乱七八糟,或者“额外费用”高昂,旅行者也难有其他选择。The application-processing firms are profiting both from travellers lack of choice and from governments failure to consider the economic damage caused by their visa requirements.签申请处理公司从两个方面获利:一是旅行者缺乏选择,二是政府没能考虑到签要求造成的经济损失。There is scant evidence that making all travellers submit the same documents every time they want to travel, or provide extensive financial details, protects countries from terrorists or illegal immigrants.鲜有据能明,让所有旅行者每次想旅行时都提交同样的文件,或是提供大量的财务信息,就能保护国家免受恐怖分子或非法移民的侵害。In contrast, there is evidence of how liberal visa regimes bring in the bucks.相反,倒是有据显示自由的签制度能带来何等利益。A report in 2014 from the European Parliament, “A Smarter Visa Policy for Economic Growth”, estimated that over-strict visa rules probably cost the EU economy 250,000 jobs and 12.6 billion euro (.8 billion) a year in lost output.2014年欧洲议会一份名为“促进经济增长的更明智签政策”的报告估算,过于严格的签规定可能让欧盟经济每年损失25万个工作岗位,产出损失达126亿欧元(138亿美元)。It recommended requiring fewer documents from applicants, handing out longer visas and simplifying the whole process.报告建议减少要求申请者提交的文件,颁发更长期的签,并且简化整个流程。Since Britain is not part of the Schengen group, Chinese people taking a tour of Europe have to apply for a second visa to cross the Channel.因为英国并不是申根国,去欧洲旅游的中国人要穿越英吉利海峡就不得不再申请一个签。Only 6% of them do so, says Euromonitor, a research firm.研究公司欧睿称仅有6%的人这么做。The British Tourist Authority has complained that the countrys visa policies cost it £2.8 billion (.1 billion) a year in lost revenue.英国旅游局曾经抱怨英国的签政策让该国每年损失28亿英镑(41亿美元)的收入。However, amid worries about the wave of asylum-seekers from Syria and elsewhere, governments in Europe and beyond will face pressure to keep making life hard for tourists and business travellers—even as other departments of those same governments spend heavily on promoting tourism and foreign investment.不过,由于担心来自叙利亚和其他地区的难民蜂拥而至,欧洲和欧洲以外的各国政府将面临压力,商务旅行者和观光客的日子仍然不会好过,尽管这些政府的其他部门在花大钱促进旅游业和外国投资。译文属译生译世 /201610/474428

特别声明:该文章出自可可网站编辑Juliet出版发行的英语学习书籍《娜娜教英语》之《小题大做》篇,转载请注明出处。第一, 迷你对话A: This new singer on the picture looks lovely.照片上的新歌手很可爱。B: Have you ever heard her sing?你听过她唱歌吗?A: Yes, not bad!听过,还不错。B: She has been build up into a great success. She is no longer a new singer, but a star.她已经被捧红了,不再是歌手了,而是歌星了。第二, 地道表达build up1. 解词释义Build up有“增加,增长”的意思,可以引申为“使某人的名气或某事得以增长”或“大肆渲染宣传某人或某事使之成名或称为焦点”,也就是“吹捧,抬举”的意思。柯林斯词典中解释道:If you build someone or something up, you make them seem important or exciting, for example by talking about them a lot.2. 拓展例句e.g. The media will report on it and the tabloids will build it up.媒体会报道此事,小报则会大肆吹捧。e.g. Historians built him up as the champion of parliament.历史学家把他誉为议会的捍卫者。e.g. Id built him up in my head as being the love of my life. 我心里已把他当作我一生的挚爱。e.g. She has been look down on anyone else around her since she built up into great success.自从她被捧红后,她就看不起周围的人了。第三, 视野拓展build up :(使)积聚;(使)逐渐增加e.g. The regime built up the largest army in Africa.该政权逐渐建立起一非洲规模最大的军队。e.g. The collection has been built up over the last seventeen years.在过去的17年中,收藏的规模不断扩大。e.g. Slowly a thick layer of fat builds up on the pans surface. 慢慢地,平底锅表面积起了一层厚厚的油脂。build up:增强…的体质;建立…的信心e.g. Build her up with kindness and a sympathetic ear.用友善和富有同情心的倾听来重拾她的信心。e.g. Dr. Johnson and I have been trying to build him up physically.约翰逊医生和我一直试图增强他的体质。第四, 词海拾贝no longer :不再e.g. He was long a famous musician, but he plays no longer.他成为有名的音乐家已很久了, 但他现在不演奏了。e.g. The citys water supply is no longer adequate for its need.这个城市的供水已不敷需求。not… but… :不是……而是……e.g. She is not ugly but kind of strange.她不是丑,而是有点奇怪。e.g. He wants to buy not a skirt, but a dress.他想买的不是一条短裙,而是一条连衣裙。第五, 语法点拨1. This new singer on the picture looks lovely.要点:表示“报刊杂志上的人或物或字”,用解词on,不要用in。2. Have you ever heard her sing?要点:hear后面的宾语的补足语如果是动词的话,就要注意是用动词的现在分词还是原形。如果听这个动作在发生,宾语补足语的动作同时也在发生,就需要用现在分词。如果不是,就用动词原形。 /201507/387265

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