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明星资讯腾讯娱乐2020年01月29日 04:22:08
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Britain Dug prohibition英国 禁毒Banning the east African stimulant may backfire东非的兴奋剂禁令可能会适得其反OUTSIDE a newsagents shop in the Clapham Road, a south London thoroughfare, a man sucks on a rolled-up cigarette and asks passers-by whether they want to buy some cannabis. 在伦敦大街南部的克拉彭路的一个报刊亭旁,一个人正叼着卷烟问路人他们是否需要大麻。 But shoppers seem more interested in khat, a mild narcotic popular with Ethiopians, Somalis and Yemenis. 但消费者似乎对阿拉伯茶—在俄塞俄比亚人、索马里人和也门人群中颇受欢迎的一种轻度镇定剂。Inside, the shopkeeper pulls out bundles of the yellowish leaf and explains that it is the last batch he will sell. 店里内部,店主拿出少许淡黄色叶片并说明这些是他将卖出的最后一批货了。“After tomorrow, they stop, no more,” he says.“明日之后,再没有这些东西了,”他说。 On June 24th the sale of khat was prohibited in Britain, almost a year after Theresa May, the home secretary, told the House of Commons that she intended to ban it. 6月24日,阿拉伯茶的销售在英国被喊停,这距离内政部长Theresa May告知下议院她将下令禁止阿拉伯茶几乎有一年的时间了。The government argues that since the leaf has been banned elsewhere, Britain risks turning into a distribution point if it remains legal; 政府认为,由于该叶片已在他处被禁止,如果阿拉伯茶的禁令仍然合法,that khat is a dangerous intoxicant that harms its users and that the “marfashes” where men go to chew are breeding radicalism. 英国就是在冒险转变至一个交易点,阿拉伯茶成为一种会伤害其使用者的危险致醉物质,But both the governments advisory council on the misuse of drugs and the House of Commons Home Affairs Committee advised against the crackdown.同时人们常聚集食用叶片的的“marfashes(提供阿拉伯茶的店)”也逐渐滋生出激进主义。但政府针对药物滥用的咨询委员会和下议院民政事务委员会的建议都反对镇压。Unusually for a drug ban, prohibition seems likely to stop the use of khat. 与一般禁毒令不同的是,禁止似乎更可能意味着对阿拉伯茶的停用。Users must chew great wodges of the leaf, which loses its potency just a few days after being picked. 使用者必须咀嚼大量的在采摘数天后会失去效力的叶片。That makes it uneconomical to smuggle. 这使得走私该叶片变得不合算。Unlike cannabis, khat cannot be grown easily in Britain. 与大麻不同的是,阿拉伯茶在英国很难生长。Before the ban, loads were flown in from Africa and distributed from warehouses near Heathrow airport—in 2013 around 15m-worth (m) was imported from Kenya. 禁令之前,货物从非洲空运,而且分布在伦敦希斯罗机场附近的仓库的货物—2013年价值1500万是从肯尼亚进口的。That trade is likely to dry up.那样的交易很可能逐渐衰退。The broader effects of the ban are less clear. 禁令更广泛的影响并不太明显。Some Somalis and Ethiopians hope that khat-chewers will find something more productive to do with their time. 一些索马里人和埃塞俄比亚人希望那些咀嚼阿拉伯茶叶的人能利用他们的时间发现更有效益的事情。Supporters of the ban include women who complain that their husbands chew the leaf almost without ceasing. 禁令的持者包括那些抱怨他们的丈夫几乎没有停歇的咀嚼叶片的妇女们。The Home Office points to studies which suggest that the drug is associated with marital problems, poor attendance at work and financial stress.内政部的研究指出了该药与婚姻问题、工作的低出勤率和财政压力的相关性。Less happily, people may turn to other substances. 不幸的是,人们可能会另觅他物。“Most people, they just chew it at weekends, chat, watch football,” says an Ethiopian waiter. 以为来自埃塞俄比亚的侍者说“许多人只在周末、闲聊和看球赛时咀嚼阿拉伯茶叶片,“I see these women on the TV saying that their husbands chew every day, and I think, your husband, he has no self-control.” 我看到那些在电视上说他们丈夫每日都在咀嚼叶片的妇女们,我想,你们的丈夫缺乏的是自我控制力。”Most users will simply drink more coffee, he reckons. 他预测,大部分使用者会喝更多的咖啡。But some wont. And other drugs are not difficult to find.但是有些人可能不会这样。并且其他的毒品也不难寻找。译者:张娣校对:王颖 译文属译生译世 /201508/391274Palestinian prisoners巴勒斯坦俘虏Why they count为什么他们意义重大The release of prisoners touches Palestinians to their core俘虏的释放触及了巴勒斯坦人的核心AS A measure of the seriousness of negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, the number of Palestinian prisoners released on the eve of talks, say pessimists, is a gloomy barometer. When the two sides sat down to negotiate two decades ago, after signing the Oslo accords in 1993, Israel freed 2,000 Palestinians in a single year. For the next couple of years it released, on average, around 1,000 a year. In later years that number slumped to a few hundred. Now, to coincide with the fresh round of talks that started in Jerusalem on August 14th, Israels prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, has freed just 26.悲观主义者声称,以会谈前夕释放的巴勒斯坦俘虏数目作为对巴以协商认真程度的衡量,前景令人悲观。双方在20年前的1993年坐下协商签署奥斯陆协议之后,以色列一年就使2000名巴勒斯坦人重获自由。在以后数年,以色列平均每年释放大约1000人,再往后该数目猛然下降至几百人。目前,为了配合8月14日于耶路撒冷开启的新一轮协商,以色列总理本杰明·内塔尼亚胡仅释放了26人。Even this has provoked an outcry in Israel. Many of the 26 were convicted of crimes of violence, including murder, against Israeli civilians. Relations of the victims have carried black banners, accusing Mr Netanyahu of truckling to terrorists.即便如此,还是在以色列国内引起了强烈抗议。26人中有不少被指控包括谋杀在内的抗击以色列平民的暴力罪行。受害者的亲属使用黑色条幅谴责内塔尼亚胡屈从于恐怖主义分子。Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president who is leading negotiations for his side, has had an even rougher time trying to persuade his people that the Israelis earnestly seek a peace deal. Since July 19th, when Americas secretary of state, John Kerry, announced that peace talks would restart, Israel—say human-rights campaigners—has detained eight times as many Palestinians as it has just released.带领巴方协商的总统马哈茂德·阿巴斯,甚至需要更多的时间去尝试说人民相信以色列诚恳寻求和平协商。自从7月19日美国国务卿约翰·凯利宣布将重启和平谈判以来,人权运动领导人表示以色列扣留了8倍于刚释放的巴勒斯坦人的数目。Indeed, many Palestinians deride Mr Abbas for winning freedom for so tiny a share of the 5,071 Palestinians said to be behind bars for politically motivated acts of violence or subversion. All but one of the first 26 to be let out were convicted in or before 1994. If the talks last long enough, a further 78 Palestinians are due to be freed in batches in the coming months.确实,许多巴勒斯坦人取笑阿巴斯仅为由于暴力或颠覆性政治运动而身陷囹圄的5071名巴勒斯坦人中的极小部分赢得自由。第一批即将释放的26人中除了一人之外均是于1994年或者之前被囚禁。如果此次协商持续时间足够长,在未来数月时间内,另有78名巴勒斯坦人应该会分批重获自由。Mr Abbass Palestinian critics say his non-violent policy is plainly less effective than that of Hamas, the Islamist faction that runs the Gaza Strip. In 2011 Hamas got Mr Netanyahu to release more than 1,000 prisoners in exchange for a single Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, who had been captured by Hamas and held for five years.阿巴斯的巴方批评者声称,阿巴斯的非暴力政策没有操控加沙地带的伊斯兰组织哈马斯的政策有效。2011年哈马斯迫使内塔尼亚胡释放了1000多名俘虏用来交换一名被其俘获并拘留了5年的以色列士兵Gilad Shalit。Few issues stir Palestinian emotions as fiercely as the fate of prisoners. Almost every Palestinian has a relative in jail—or has been there himself. Human-rights groups estimate that 750,000 Palestinians have passed through Israeli prisons since the West Bank and Gaza were conquered in 1967. Some 2,300 Palestinians were detained in the first six months of this year alone. Whereas Israelis generally dub them terrorists, Palestinians call them asra, or prisoners of war, and devote large chunks of their public broadcasts and budget to supporting them and their families. Some have been sentenced for complicity in the 100-plus suicide-bombings which shook Israel during the intifada (uprising) that fizzled out in 2005. But many of those that languish in 17 special Israeli jails have no such blood on their hands.很少有其他问题能够像俘虏命运这样激发巴勒斯坦人的情绪。几乎每一名巴勒斯坦人都有一名亲人、或者自己身陷囹圄。人权组织估计自从1967年西岸及加沙被攻克以来,75万巴勒斯坦人遭受了以色列的牢狱之苦。仅在今年前六个月就有2300名巴勒斯坦人被拘留。尽管以色列将其统称为恐怖主义分子,巴勒斯坦人称其为asra或者战俘并通过广播与预算对他们及其家人加以持。因在2005年以失败告终的暴乱中合谋震惊以色列的100多起自杀炸弹袭击,一些人被判决。但是,他们中许多人并未参与该流血事件却在17座以色列监狱中饱受折磨。They include 14 members of the Palestinian parliament and hundreds of non-violent protesters who have tried in vain to stop Israels army and settlers from acquiring their land. The military laws that Israel applies in the occupied territories make anyone taking part in anti-Israeli demonstrations liable to be arrested. Under Military Order 1651, throwing stones at people or property can carry a ten-year jail sentence. Of those Palestinians in prison, 193 are minors, nearly all brought to court in leg shackles and handcuffs.俘虏中包括14名巴勒斯坦议会成员以及数百名阻止以军占领其土地无果的非暴力反抗者。以色列在占领国土上应用的军法使得任何参加反以示威游行人员可能被逮捕。根据军规1651条,向人或资产投掷石头可以被判十年监禁。对于身陷囹圄的巴勒斯坦人,193相对较少,几乎全都背负手铐脚镣被带到法庭。But Palestinians know their governments often treat political opponents little better. Since the Palestinian territories were split in June 2007 between Hamas-ruled Gaza and Mr Abbass West Bank, both sides have habitually rounded up each others activists. Scores languish in Palestinian jails; some have been tortured.但是巴勒斯坦人知道其政府基本不会对对手更好。自从2007年6月巴方领土分裂为哈马斯统治的加沙以及阿巴斯的西岸,双方都围捕对方的积极分子。很多人在巴勒斯坦监狱饱受折磨,甚至有人被施以酷刑。Hamass government has executed at least 16 for crimes including collaboration with Israel, and says it will hang two more publicly within days as “a lesson”. Under Israeli law people can be executed only for treason, genocide and “crimes against the Jewish people”. No one has been sentenced to death in an Israeli court since the execution in 1962 of Adolf Eichmann, an organiser of the Holocaust.哈马斯政府已经至少处死了犯下与以色列勾结罪行的16人,并声称将在数天内公开绞死至少2人以儆效尤。在以色列法律中,仅有叛国、种族灭绝、反对犹太人罪行才被处以死刑。自从1962年对犹太人大屠杀组织者Adolf Eichmann的处死之后,没有人在以色列法庭被判死刑。Conviction rates for Palestinians in Israels military courts, where most politically motivated cases are heard, exceed 99%. So many are processed every day that there is scant time to delve into detail, let alone study cases in advance. Military judges, working in makeshift courts, rely on the testimony of soldiers to secure convictions, but when they fail to turn up, the detainees are often sent back to prison.巴勒斯坦人在以军法庭的定罪率超过99%,其中大多数是政治案件。每天处理的案件过多以至于缺乏时间加以深究,更不必说提前研究案情。在临时法庭中工作的军事法官依据士兵的词加以定罪,但是当士兵无法出庭时,被拘留者就被重新送回狱中。What Palestinians want as a sign of good intent, is the release of thousands, not scores, of their compatriots. The Israelis hint that they will see how the talks proceed—and let more prisoners trickle out if things go well.作为一个好意的信号,巴方要求释放数千而不是几十人的同胞。以方暗示他们将看会谈的进行情况——如果进展顺利将释放更多俘虏。译者: 吕晓鹏 译文属译生译世 /201511/408979

Grocery shopping超市大采购Aisle be damned该死的通道For the best bargains, avoid shopping around for your groceries欲求物美价廉货,货比三家要不得THRIFTY shoppers do not have to look far to find a bargain. Offers abound in the cut-throat world of British supermarkets. Received wisdom suggests that people trying to save money on their groceries should shop around to get the best prices. But research presented on April 9th at the Royal Economic Society suggests that those who do so end up paying more.节俭的消费者们不需要寻觅很远就能买到便宜货。英国残酷的超市世界中其实充斥着很多这样的便宜货。一种广泛被接受的观点认为,想要在购物上省钱的人们就应该货比三家,这样才能找到最理想的价格。但是4月9日由皇家经济协会展出的研究指出,那些货比三家的人通常到最后反而花的更多。Kun Tian, a researcher at Cardiff Business School, and Ji Yan of Durham University, the papers authors, argue that people who buy all their groceries at just one of the big supermarkets (Tesco, Sainsburys, Asda and Morrisons) pay less than those who purchase equivalent goods at a mixture of the four of them. Data from Kantar Worldpanel, a market-research firm, show similar trends. Unlike Mr Tians study, these cover total purchases rather than comparing equivalent baskets of goods. They show that people who bought groceries in just one store during the 12 weeks to September 2013 spent 631. Those who went to ten different places, by contrast, forked out 1,249.研究论文的作者是来自卡迪夫商学院的研究员田坤,以及来自杜伦大学的延吉,他们认为仅在四家大型超市其中某一家购物的人(分别是特易购、森宝利、阿斯达以及莫里森超市)会比在四家分别消费等值商品的人花费的要少。我们也能从市场研究公司凯度消费者指数研究处提供的数据中看到同样的趋势。不过该数据与田坤的研究不一样的地方在于其数据涵盖了所有的消费品,而不仅仅是对比等值的商品。数据指出,只在一家超市购物的消费者在2013年9月之前的12周内只花费了631英镑,而相比之下,那些在十家不同超市分别购物的人最终却出了1249英镑。Many of those high-spending shoppers probably had money to burn. But bargain-hunters who visit lots of shops are exposed to more products, and thus more likely to buy things they had not planned to, argues Phil Dorsett, an analyst at Kantar. Mr Tian reckons that promiscuous shoppers suffer from missing out on savings offered to more loyal customers, especially those earned after spending a lot in a particular store. Shoppers who frequent an abundance of different outlets also tend to be older, says Mr Tian. They are less likely than people with young families to take advantage of deals that require them to buy goods in bulk.很多高消费的购物者们大多数可能都钱多的烧得慌。但是凯度研究所的分析师菲尔·多赛特指出,那些会逛很多家超市爱捡便宜的消费者往往会暴露在更多的商品中,因而更有可能会购买计划之外的商品。而田坤认为逛多家超市的消费者也会错失享受折扣的机会,这些折扣一般是提供给更为忠诚的顾客们,特别是那些在某一家特定的超市大量消费就能获得的折扣。田坤还指出,常去多家不同便利店的购物者也趋向于更为年长,因为和有着年轻家庭的青壮年相比,他们享受需要大量购买商品才能打折的优惠的可能性要低得多。Those who buy their groceries in fewer emporia—and so spend less—are also more likely to do their shopping online. And on the internet they are more likely to buy products from supermarkets cheaper own-label ranges, says Edward Garner, also of Kantar. Supermarkets do not always stock such ranges in their small convenience outlets; people shopping in a hurry may as well be encouraged to buy more expensive varieties. In big stores, low-cost lines may be stashed well above or below a harried shoppers line of sight. Search a supermarkets online store, however, and they pop up just as appetisingly as more expensive brands. That provides much less scope for shelf deception.选择在较少商业中心里购物的人们(同样也花的更少)也更可能选择上网购物。并且在网上消费者买到超市中更为廉价的自有品牌产品的可能性更高,凯度研究所的另一位员工爱德华·加纳这样说道。超市也不总是在它们的小型便利连锁店里囤自有品牌产品;匆忙的消费者倒不如说是被鼓励去购买更为昂贵种类的商品了。在大型商店中,琳琅满目的商品总是会令购买者眼花缭乱,而低价产品往往会被堆放至高于或低于购买者视线所及之处的地方。然而在网上超市搜索低价产品的话,它们就会突然出现在你面前,和那些更为昂贵的品牌产品一样令人蠢蠢欲动。这就大大缩小了货架骗术施展的范围。译者:朱大素 校对:曾擎禹 译文属译生译世 /201509/397631

  In the direct path of the cyclone,waves pulverised the reef and huge swells seriously damaged corals 500km from the eye of the storm.沿着飓风前进的路线,海浪把珊瑚礁磨成粉末,风眼范围内500公里的珊瑚礁都被严重破坏。 Cyclones form when humidity and air temperature build,but thats not the only time high temperatures directly affect the Great Barrier Reef.当湿度和空气湿度达到一定程度就形成了飓风,但是那并不是高温直接影响大堡礁的唯一时间。In summer, the air temperature can soar.夏天气温会急剧上升。 Close to the ground,heat reflected by the sand compounds the problem.靠近地面的地方,被沙子反射回的热量加剧了这个问题。 On Raine Island,the turtle eggs are incubating safely below ground but for the seabird chicks, the cay becomes a searing furnace.在雷恩岛,海龟蛋正在地下安全的孵化,但是对于海鸟幼崽,沙礁成了灼热的火炉。 Birds must find shelter wherever they can.鸟类必须尽可能的找地方遮阴。 Bizarrely, one option is to shade your head with your own rear end.非常奇怪的是,一种选择是把头埋在尾巴下面。 But with global warming,temperatures are increasingly higher than the norm,and then an unusually high water temperature can be just as destructive as a storm.但是随着全球变暖,气温比通常变得更高,水温显著的提高和暴风雨一样具有毁灭性。 An ominous white glow along the edge of the reef indicates its under stress.一个不是好兆头的白光沿着大堡礁边缘发光,暗示它在高压之下。The corals have lost their colour.珊瑚礁失去了它们的颜色。译文属201512/413286

  Fertility rates have fallen in countries with woeful economies, such as Greece and Italy. But they have also fallen in countries that sailed through the financial crisis, such as Australia and Norway. Although the American baby bust was expected, the lack of recovery after seven years seems odd. “I was fairly confident that women were just delaying births, and that we would see a rebound,” says Mr Johnson. “Im beginning to wonder now.” In Britain the drop came late: the fertility rate fell from 1.92 to 1.81 between 2012 and 2014. Then there is France, where couples looked at the economic slump and shrugged. The fertility rate there has barely moved.在经济状况糟糕至极的国家中,如希腊和意大利,它们的生育率已经下跌。但在平稳度过金融危机的国家中,如澳大利亚和挪威,该指标也下降了。尽管美国出现生育低谷在意料之中,但过了七年也没有得到恢复,着实离奇。“我相当有信心,女性们只是延迟生育,我们将会看到恢复,”约翰逊先生说道。“我现在开始感到好奇。”在英国,生育率下跌得晚了些:2012年至2014年间,生育率从1.92降至1.81。然后在法国,夫妻们看着经济衰落,也表示无奈。但该国的生育率几乎没有发生变化。If some of the international trends are hard to fathom, so is the strange uniformity within countries. Trude Lappegard, a Norwegian demographer, says that her countrys baby bust, which has been going on for six years, might be easy to explain if it had hit one group especially hard. Instead, women of all ages and all levels of education are having fewer children如果说一些国际趋势很难准确探寻,那么对于国际间奇怪的一致性也很难了解清楚。一位来自挪威名叫褚德兰培格的人口统计学家说道,该国的生育低谷已经持续六年,这可能很容易的解释成是否是特别严重的冲击了某个阶层的女性。但恰恰相反,不同年龄层及受教育程度不同的女性所生育的孩子都越来越少。One possible explanation is that immigrants are not boosting birth rates much these days, and might even be dragging them down. Some demographers suggest that cuts to welfare might have made poor mothers warier of having children. But that does not explain the behaviour of middle-class women. And family support has actually become more generous in some countries with falling fertility.一个可能的解释是这些年移民并没有提高出生率,甚至有可能拉低出生率。部分人口统计学家称,削减福利可能会使家境贫困的母亲在考虑是否生育小孩这个问题上更加谨慎。但是这不能解释中产阶级女性不生育的行为。另外,在部分生育率下降的国家,家庭持实际上变得更加充足。Ann Berrington of Southampton University points to housing. Young and even not-so-young couples find it hard to buy property in England and Wales: 46% of 25- to 34-year-olds lived in private rented accommodation in 2014-15, up from 24% a decade earlier. Four in ten 24-year-olds still live with their parents. Home-ownership rates have fallen in America and Australia, too. The rate is rising in France, where fertility has held steady—though that might be thanks to strong pro-natalist policies.南安普敦大学的安柏林顿把焦点指向住房。在英格兰和威尔士,对年轻夫妇以及不太年轻的夫妇来说,购买房产很困难:2014-2015年期间,有46%年龄在25-34岁之间的夫妇居住在私人出租屋里,而十年前租房比率为24%。在24岁的年轻人中,有五分之二和父母同住。住房拥有率在美国和澳大利亚也有所下降,然而在生育率保持稳定的法国,住房拥有率却在上升,尽管这有可能归因于法国强有力的鼓励生育的政策。You can have a baby in a rented flat, of course. But in a country like Britain, where earlier generations found it easy to buy homes, that seems to flout a psychological rule for some. In the 1960s Richard Easterlin, an American economist, suggested that people would avoid having children if they felt unable to bring them up in a style that at least matched the way they were raised. It might be time to dust off that idea.当然,你可以在一个出租屋里养育小孩。但是在英国这样的国家,对前几代人来说买房子很容易,这似乎是在嘲笑某种心理规律。在20世纪60年代美国经济学家理查德?伊斯特林提出建议,如果父母们感觉到至少在方式上不能与他们自己从小被养育长大一样,他们就不会生小孩。现在也许是时候放弃这种想法了。Some couples could be delaying having babies not because they cannot afford them, but because of a vague feeling that family life is harder than it used to be. A Pew poll of 11 rich countries last year found that 64% believe that todays children will be worse off than their parents. Perhaps the gloom has sp even to countries with strong economies. Mr Sobotka suggests that Scandinavians could have overreacted to repeated news reports about hard times elsewhere in Europe. “It gets below peoples skins,” he says.有些夫妇延迟生小孩并不是因为他们没有能力抚育小孩,而是因为他们模模糊糊地感觉到家庭生活会比以往更难。去年,佩尤对11个富裕国家进行的民意调查发现,64%的被调查者相信如今的孩子会比父母更加拮据。也许这种悲观情绪甚至已经蔓延到经济实力强大的国家。索特卡先生认为斯堪的纳维亚人可能对欧洲以外国家关于困难时期的反复报道反应过度。他说:“这会让人很害怕。”In this, childbirth might be a little like politics. When a surly, anti-politics mood first took hold in Europe and America after the financial crisis, it was tempting to think it would dissipate as economic growth returned. Today Donald Trump is the probable Republican presidential nominee in America, the National Front is rampant in France and the British government is fighting both Scottish separatism and Europhobia. Bad moods can linger.在这一点上,生育可能有点像政治。在金融危机之后,阴郁、反政治的氛围笼罩欧洲和美国,人们很容易认为,这种氛围会随着经济恢复增长而消散。如今,唐纳德·特朗普大有希望成为美国共和党总统候选人,在法国,国民阵线肆虐,英国正与苏格兰的分裂主义和排斥欧盟行动相斗争。这阴沉的氛围将久久不散。Whether and when birth rates bounce back, and how high, has broad consequences. Americas Census Bureau simply assumes that current fertility rates will persist. Since 2008 it has slashed its prediction for the countrys population in 2050 from 439m to 398m. If lower fertility lasts, it would help balance government accounts in the short term, because there would be fewer children to educate, but hurt in the long term. A fertility rate of 1.8 would mean twice as large an annual social-security deficit by 2089 as one of 2.2, as a percentage of the social-security tax base.出生率是否会反弹,在什么时候反弹,反弹多少,结果不定。美国人口普查局作出简单假设,目前的生育率将持续一段时间。自2008年以来生育率削减,该国对于2050年的人口预测从4.39亿下降到3.98亿。如果生育率持续低下,在短期来看,将有利于平衡政府收,因为将会有更少的孩子需要接受教育,但是长期来看损失较大。1.8的生育率意味着到2089年社保赤字将是生育率为2.2的两倍,同时生育率也是社会保障百分比的税基。A persistent slump would also be bad news for nappy-makers. But the overall effect on the market for baby gear might be surprisingly slight. Marcus Tagesson, the boss of Babyshop, a Stockholm-based retailer, says that the important thing is that couples have at least one child. The first baby is the most profitable, he explains. Parents want everything to be new and perfect; besides, they make mistakes with their first-born that they do not repeat. Such as? “White clothes,” says Mr Tagesson, a little ruefully.生育率持续下降对于尿布湿制造商无疑是个坏消息。但是总的来说对婴儿用品市场的影响可能会小的令人惊讶。宝贝天地(婴儿用品制造商)的老板马库斯是来自斯德哥尔的零售商,认为重要的是夫妻至少有一个孩子。他解释道,第一个孩子是最赚钱的。父母希望一切都是崭新的,完美的;此外,父母们不想重复犯他们出生时父母所犯下的错误。例如马库斯有点悲伤地提到的“白衣”。翻译:许佳amp;周玮 校对:赵容 译文属译生译世 /201605/444818。

  The Great Barrier Reef is the largest coral reef on our planet.大堡礁是我们星球上最大的珊瑚礁。Its one of the seven recognise to wonders of the natural world.它是自然界七大公认的奇迹之一。The reef itself is the place that most people explore.珊瑚礁是大多数人探索的地方。But theres much much more.但这远非大堡礁的全部。The coral reef is actually a very small part of this under water world as little as 7%.事实上,珊瑚礁只是这片海洋世界中的一小部分,至多只占7%。There 93% of the marine park in composes of the variety of habitat,each one remarkable in its own way.大堡礁海洋公园的剩余93%有着许多种生存环境,每一种都非常独特。And beyond the marine park, there are even more environments that are important to the reef.在海洋公园以外,还有更多对珊瑚礁十分重要的环境。Some close to shore, others in land.有一些靠近海岸,其他则在内陆。All together, there are more than a hundred different types of habitat in and around the Barrier Reef.总之在大堡礁内部及其周围,有一百多种截然不同的生存环境。Each with its own distinctive plants and animals.每一种生存环境都有各自独特的动植物。There are creatures that you would expect to see on the reef, and others that you would not.珊瑚礁上会有你希望看到的生物,也有不希望看到的。All the places in which these animals live are linked to a vast deep water lagoon which lies between the coast of mainland Australia and the out.所有这些动物居住的地方都与巨大的深水环礁湖相连。深水礁湖介于澳大利亚海岸和外礁之间。 201501/352775

  Were back.Im sitting here with the beautiful and talented Nicole Kidman.我们回来啦 坐在我身边的是美丽有才的妮可·基德曼In the movie ;Paddington;,you are playing a villain.I am.在电影《帕丁顿熊》里 你饰演坏人 是的Which is,and I have to say,I mentioned this earlier in the show,one of my all time favorite movie is ;To die for;.我不得不说 之前在节目里我提到过 我最爱的电影之一是《不惜一切》You play kind of a sociopath I would say in that film.Its such a great depiction.你在电影里扮演的是反社会的人 真是绝妙的演绎Do you like to play an evil or twisted character?你喜欢饰演邪恶或者扭曲的角色吗I mean,when youre at drama school,they always tell you theyre the best roles.在戏剧学校时 他们总会告诉你那些角色最好了So you kind of,I would like to in ;Paddington; have played the bears mommy,because I have little kids and they were mortified that I was playing the villain.在《帕丁顿熊》里我很想要扮演熊的妈妈 因为我有小孩子 他们会因为我演坏人而感到丢脸That must be tough when you have little kids when you say Im in the padding on the bear movie and the say,mommy,what part are you?这一定很难吧 当你有小孩子时 你说我参演了《帕丁顿熊》这部熊熊电影 他们会说 好棒 妈咪 你演谁And you say the one who wants to kill padding on the.你要说 我演的是要杀死帕丁顿熊的那个人I use the words stuff the bear because I play a taxidermist.Any bears national enemy.我用的词是“塞满熊熊” 因为我演的是录制师 熊的天敌就是录制师You did your own stunts in this movie,is that right?这部电影里的特技都是你自己做的Yes,when I first got there,they had me go literally 60 feet up.是的 我一到那 他们就把我吊上了 真的60英尺高They said quick,I go up the plane.They say no,no,its all safe.So they put you in wires and throw you 60 feet into the air?他们说快点 我刚下飞机 他们说没事的 很安全 所以他们用线吊着你 把你扔到了60英尺高的地方Yes,they told me it was safe.I mean,Im still here.是的 他们跟我说那很安全 我还活着No,you never listen.People are always telling me,go ahead and do that and then later when Im on fire,不 你决不能听 人们总跟我说 去吧 就这么做吧 很安全 晚些时候等我着火了I have a discussion with them.You werent scared or anything?我就得和他们谈谈 他们把你弄那么高你不害怕吗No,I was scared,I was really scared but everyone was so cool,about it I was like Ok.So I had to pretend to be cool about it.我很害怕 非常害怕 但大家好像都很镇定 我不得不假装我也很镇定201610/470248

  Britain How to win elections英国 获选方法Baracking the voters奥巴马式拉票British parties want to emulate the American master英国政党希望效仿美国总统At ten o’clock, recalls a Labour Party staffer, the sweep began. From neighbourhoods across America, information rippled up a telephone chain. By 10.25am on election day, Barack Obama’s campaign headquarters in Chicago knew exactly where its troops were and how many ballots had been cast in each precinct. Activists were promptly redeployed. The same thing happened at 2pm and again at 4pm. The visitor was left wide-eyed, and inspired: “It can work in Britain, too.”据英国工党(Labour Party)某成员回忆称,当天上午10点,行动开始展开。来自全美各地的信息使得电话声连绵不绝。选举日上午10点25分前,位于美国芝加哥(Chicago)的奥巴马(Barack Obama)竞选总部已准确地把握其宣传人员的部署以及各选区的票数。这些宣传人员随即受到重新安排。随后,当天下午2点和4点,部署又进行了相同的调整。那位目击全过程的工党成员对此大开眼界,并大受启发道:“这一套在英国也行得通。”Astonishing as it may seem, the 2015 British general-election campaign has begun. The Conservative Party’s campaign headquarters sports a countdown clock informing staffers how many seconds remain before polls open. Like Labour and the Liberal Democrats, it has a list of target seats. And all three parties are keen to learn from the great American vote-wrangler.虽然有些惊人,但2015年英国大选活动也已展开。英国保守党(Conservative Party,译者注:下文的Tories亦表示保守党)在竞选总部得意洋洋地挂起一架倒计时钟,以向其成员明示开票日前的所剩时间。同时,保守党也和工党与自由民主党(Liberal Democrats)同样罗列出所争取的国会席位。以上三党都希望从美国高效的拉票团体中学得一二。The campaign model they so admire rests on three foundations: a large and disciplined field operation, a good system for managing data and plenty of cash. British political parties used to boast formidable field machines, but they have slipped. Even Labour, which boasts most boots on the ground, has a membership of under 200,000. The Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats are finding that coalition government is glyphosate to the grassroots.三党佩美国的竞选模式在于三点:宣传活动规模盛大而井井有条、信息管理体系完备、竞选资金充足到位。英国政党曾自诩其无敌的拉票团体,但现已不复存在。连群众基础最深厚的工党,其成员也已不足20万人。而保守党和自由民主党也已意识到,联合政府只会使其丧失群众根基。With traditional parties shrinking, Britain’s politicos talk of the Obama model as a solution. The art of community organising—convening energetic groups of activists around local issues—is all the rage. Honed by Mr Obama in the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) in 1980s Chicago, it inspired his decentralised campaign machine. Labour has flown in Arnie Graf, a former IAF director, to overhaul its structures. The Conservatives have established a residential training academy for campaign managers. The Liberal Democrats want to defend seats they hold by running almost purely local campaigns.在这传统政党衰弱之时,英国的政客们开始推崇“奥巴马式”竞选以求改善。以地方问题召集有志团体,即社区动员的技法开始盛行。1980年代,时任“产业地区基金会”(IAF)成员的奥巴马对社区动员法进行了改良。随后,该方法推动了其分散于全美各地的竞选团体。英国工党已派人飞往前IAF前主席Arnie Graf住处,以彻底改革其党内体制;保守党则为培养竞选管理者设立了一所寄宿制培训学校;而自由民主党则希望以近乎彻底的地区竞选来保住手中的国会席位。This is easier said than done. Britain’s politicians tend to keep activists on a tight leash—and have little cash with which to recruit and train professional organisers. Matthew McGregor, a Briton who was part of Mr Obama’s digital communications team, says building the Organising for America network took a “will to invest” that is mostly absent from Westminster politics. Time to select candidates and build local movements is running out, adds Paul Goodman, a Tory commentator. “Having cups of tea with people is very important,” he explains.但这一方法言易于行。英国政治家常对拉票人约束甚多。同时,在雇佣和培养专业管理人员的资金上也是捉襟见肘。曾担任奥巴马数字通信小组的英国人Matthew McGregor表示,“组织美国”(Organising for America,译者注:奥巴马当政后成立的政治宣传计划)这一网络的建立需要人们“有出资的意愿”,而这一意愿在英国政府中十分少见。保守党员Paul Goodman补充道,在确定候选人与组织地区活动的同时,时间不断流逝,“和人们喝喝茶显得相当重要。”If the campaigners are the limbs of the Obama model, a good data system is the brain. It enables campaign supremos to target tailored messages at precisely the right voters. Of the British parties, the Liberal Democrats are farthest ahead technologically. In 2011 they bought the snazzy Voter Activation Network used by the Obama campaign, which enables users to generate finely customised lists of voter contact details. Sadly, the party has little raw information—and too few canvassers with which to obtain it. The other parties are hurriedly upgrading their systems.在奥巴马竞选模式中,如果说拉票人构成其四肢的话,完备的信息管理系统就是其大脑。通过该系统,竞选人可将合适的信息准确无误地传达给选民。在英国,自由民主党在技术上遥遥领先于其他各党。2011年,该党购置了奥巴马竞选时曾使用的“选民活化网络”(Voter Activation Network)这一时髦货,为其准确地生成了各个选民详细联系方式的特制列表。但可惜的是,该党的一手信息不足,并缺乏为其收集信息的宣传人员。而其他党派则忙着革新自己的竞选系统。The Conservatives enjoy the healthiest balance-sheet, although it is footling by American presidential standards. According to the Electoral Commission, the party has out-fundraised Labour in three of the past four quarters. Its debts are much smaller and its finances less reliant on unpredictable trade union bosses. This makes it easier to invest in staff and technology: the Tories have aly recruited three waves of campaign managers for 2015.尽管以美国选举标准看来,英国保守党的收盈余不值一提,但其收状况在英国各党派中确实最为良好。美国选举委员会(Electoral Commission)曾表示,该党在过去四个季度中有三个季度的募资数额要高过工党。保守党的负债相对少得多,财政上也不太依赖那些飘忽不定的工会主席。因此,保守党更易于人员和技术上进行投资:该党已为2015年国会选举雇佣的三批竞选管理者。Along with the other parties, the Tories are concerned at their over-reliance on the (admittedly deep) well of donations from wealthy folk and institutions. Politicians are therefore looking covetously at Mr Obama’s extensive network. In the 2012 campaign, the president drew on a much broader pool of 4m small donors. Mr McGregor insists that, with time, an equivalent British donor base of up to 1m is eminently achievable; others scoff at that.但与其他党派一样,保守党对于资金上过度依赖(不可否认依赖极深)富庶的个人或团体捐赠一事深感忧虑。因此,英国政治家们开始把贪婪的目光转向奥巴马采用更广泛的网络媒体。2012年美国大选中,奥巴马总统募集到了大笔经费,400万的赠款相比之下九牛一毛。McGregor还表示,在本次英国竞选中,英国类似地筹集到100万以上经费,这显然不难做到;但其他人对此嗤之以鼻。As they rush to emulate American methods, British party operatives acknowledge a fundamental difference. In America, the personality of the top candidate infuses the campaign. It is used to energise supporters, court donations and unite a sprawling operation. In Britain the same tech-savvy, decentralised structures are being used quite differently: to win over an electorate that loathes national politicians. The Liberal Democrats plan to fight “75 by-elections” precisely because their role in the coalition—personified by Nick Clegg—is so unpopular. Even David Cameron, the most appealing of the three main party leaders, has been conspicuously absent from recent Tory election literature. Whereas presidential candidates must insert national politics into voters’ lives, Westminster’s unloved politicians benefit from keeping the two separate.就在英国各党纷纷急于效仿美国式竞选时,其成员也承认两者存在根本上的差异。美国的竞选领袖可将人格魅力渗入竞选之中。以此可得持、换来资金,并能统一杂乱无章的拉票活动。而在英国,这一同样技术精良而分散各地的系统在功能上截然不同,其目的是从厌恶政府的选民那里赢得持。以克莱格(Nick Clegg)副首相为代表的自由民主党由于在联合政府缺乏民意持,因此打算瞄准本次“75个补缺选举名额”。就连三大党派领袖中最具人气的卡梅隆(David Cameron)首相,显然也在近期的保守党竞选活动中毫无动静。尽管候选人必须使国家政治深入选民心中,但英国这些不受欢迎的政治家们反而从政民分离中得利。翻译:沈骜译文属译生译世201609/466989Car-hailing apps in China中国的打车软件More than mobility不只是客运The ambitions of Didi Kuaidi, Ubers Chinese rival, go far beyond taxi-hailing作为Uber的竞争对手,滴滴快的不再只限于召唤出租车。FOREIGN internet giants often struggle in China. Facebook, Twitter and Google are largely irrelevant on the mainland. Uber, an American car-hailing app that is conquering markets everywhere else, is also finding China hard to crack. But unlike those other tech titans, the taxi disrupter is not being frozen out by unfair Chinese regulations favouring local firms. Ubers biggest problem is that it has encountered a world-class local upstart.国际互联网巨头经常在中国栽跟头。Facebook, Twitter和Google基本上都无法涉足这个市场。就连在世界其他地方都所向披靡的美国打车软件Uber(优步),也认为中国市场难以攻克。然而,不像其他科技巨头那样,Uber所面临的最大难题,不是中国政府对本土企业的偏袒政策,而是,它遇上了有世界级水平的本土竞争对手。Didi Kuaidi was forged last year by the merger of rival taxi-hailing apps controlled by Alibaba and Tencent, two Chinese internet giants. It now dominates Chinas online market for personal transport. Last year it arranged 1.4 billion rides in China, more than Uber has done worldwide in its history. It has perhaps two-thirds of the market for private-car rides (the source of most of its revenues) and provides a taxi-hailing service in several hundred cities. Uber, with a third of the market for private-car service, this week announced plans to expand to cover 55 Chinese cities. Both have spent heavily on subsidies to lure drivers to sign up.去年,由中国互联网两大巨头阿里巴巴和腾讯分别控制的滴滴打车和快的打车合并为滴滴快的。如今,它主导了中国线上个人交通市场,去年仅在中国就接单14亿次,比Uber过去在全球的战绩还要辉煌。滴滴快的已经占领了三分之二的私家出租车市场(也是其收入的主要来源)并为几百个城市提供了打车务。而为剩下三分之一的私家出租车市场提供务的Uber,本周宣布将扩张至55个城市。滴滴和Uber都在加大补贴以吸引司机的注册。Unlike Uber, which in China focuses on private-car services, Didi lets users select a taxi, private car, shared car, shuttle van or bus to pick them up. During next months Chinese New Year mass migration, when millions of travellers will encounter sold-out flights and trains, Didi will help users share intercity rides at prices comparable to train fares.不同于Uber在中国主要专注于私家出租车市场,滴滴让消费者有权利选择让什么车来接他们——出租、私家车、拼车、往返货车、甚至是公交车。在下个月的春运期间,数百万乘客可能买不到机票或火车票,滴滴软件则能向用户提供跨城拼车业务,价格与火车票相当。It has also forged alliances with, and invested in, Ubers rivals elsewhere: GrabTaxi in South-East Asia, Ola in India and Lyft in America. Jean Liu, Didis president and a former Goldman Sachs dealmaker, helped Didi raise billion to take on Uber. Soon half of the global market will be on her alliances technology platform, Ms Liu says, which will help both Chinese people travelling abroad and foreigners visiting China.滴滴还与Uber在全球的其他竞争者结成同盟或者投资他们:东南亚的Grab出租车,印度的Ola以及美国的Lyft。柳青,滴滴的董事长也是前高盛集团投资经理人,帮助滴滴筹集30亿美金来与Uber竞争。柳青表示,很快全球一半市场都将纳入她的联盟科技技术平台上,这既有助于中国人去国外旅行又便于外国人来访中国。But getting people from A to B is just the start of Didis ambitions. It plans to offer a variety of other services that make the most of its huge base of users and the trove of data it holds on them. On January 26th the firm announced an agreement with China Merchants Bank (CMB). A growing number of Didis drivers want to buy a new car, and many have a steady income thanks to the app, but often lack formal credit. Didi and CMB will start offering car loans—first to drivers, but in future perhaps to passengers as well.但是在两地间接送乘客仅仅只是滴滴野心的开端。滴滴还计划提供其他多种务,充分利用大规模的用户资源及其数据库。1月26日,公司宣布与中国招商达成合作协议。多亏了这一打的软件,许多司机都有了份稳定的收入,越来越多的滴滴司机想要买辆新车,但是常常缺乏正规信贷。滴滴与中国招商将开始提供汽车贷款——起初给司机,但是未来可能也会面向乘客。Didis app aly lets passengers book test drives of new cars on behalf of several carmakers, including Mercedes and Audi. Some 1.4m customers have taken one of 92 models for a spin since this service was launched in October.滴滴软件已经能让乘客预约多个汽车品牌的新车试驾,其中包括奔驰与奥迪。自十月提供了这项务以来,已有大约1400万用户从92款车型中挑选其中一款进行试驾。Perhaps Didis quirkiest new sideline is that of matchmaker. Hitch, its ride-sharing service, will soon allow drivers and passengers to select each other based on their shared interests. It aly has a deal with LinkedIn, to let people join up their accounts on the two networks. The intention of such initiatives is that white-collar workers, who often endure daily commutes of an hour or two, will have more fruitful journeys during which business, friendship and maybe even romance will develop.也许滴滴最奇特的附加业务是做介绍人。滴滴顺风车,这一拼车务将会允许司机与乘客基于共同的兴趣选择彼此。滴滴已经与LinkedIn(领英)达成协议,可为用户提供两个网站的账户合并。这些举措的初衷是为每日需在上下班路上花费一两个小时的白领工作者提供更多收获的旅程,而在通勤路上,他们可以拓展商务关系、发展友谊甚至邂逅浪漫的爱情。翻译:邓小雪 amp; 颜琪琳 校对:王丹培 amp; 鲁城华 译文属译生译世 /201602/426676

  

  

  New FBI data shows that, despite Americans growing fear of gun violence, more and more Americans are buying guns. 据美国联邦调查局的数据显示,尽管美国人对暴力越来越担心,但越来越多的美国人购买。For the first time ever, in 2015 more than 3 million Americans applied to buy guns in a single month. 有史以来首次,2015年300多万美国人在一个月申请购买。The record, set this past December, wrapped up a year in which 23.1 million background checks were initiated—also a new record. 这一记录发生在去年十二月,全年总共有发起2310万个背景调查,同样是一项新的记录。Florida was top of the list of states seeing a spike in sales, with firearm purchases climbing 14% in 2015. 佛罗里达州位于首位达到销售高峰,购买在2015年上升了百分之14。This was an even bigger jump in sales than the record set following Sandy Hook. 销量猛增,比桑迪胡克事件后更大。Marion Hammer, of Unified Sportsmen of Florida, says “When the White House starts talking about gun control, and banning guns, people start to get serious about their own protection.; 佛罗里达州一运动员玛丽说:“当白宫开始谈论控制并开始禁时,人们开始学会保护自己”。译文属。201601/420911

  Privacy and security隐私与安全Code to ruin?解密手机?The rights and wrongs of Apples fight with the FBI苹果对抗FBI的对与错CITIZENS have a right to both security and privacy. The difficulties arise when these two rights are in conflict, as they now are in the battle between the worlds most valuable company and its most famous law-enforcement agency. Apple has refused to comply with a court order to help the FBI unlock an iPhone used by Syed Farook, one of the terrorists involved in the San Bernardino shootings in December. The company says the governments request fundamentally compromises the privacy of its users; the feds say that Apples defiance jeopardises the safety of Americans (see article).公民应该享有安全和隐私的权利。然而当两者冲突的时候,问题就来了:这就是目前的情形——世界上市值最高的公司站在了赫赫有名的执法机构的对立面。苹果拒绝执行一项帮助FBI解锁iPhone的法院判决,该手机是使用者名叫Syed Farook,是参与12月份圣贝纳迪诺击案的恐怖分子之一。公司表示政府命令从根本上违背了消费者隐私权,而联邦政府则声称,如果苹果对该项判决拒不执行会危害美国人民的安全,Some frame the stand-off in terms of the rule of law: Apple cannot pick and choose which rules it will obey, they say. That is both true and beside the point. The firm has the right to appeal against a court order; if it eventually loses the legal battle, it will have to comply. The real question is whether Apples substantive arguments are right. That hinges on two issues.一些人把这个僵局归因为法制:苹果不能选择性地遵守法律。这个观点没错但是并不切题。公司有权对于法院判决进行上诉,如果它在终审判决中败诉,就不得不遵守。真正的问题是,苹果这种实质性的争论是否正确。这取决于两点。The first is whether the FBIs request sets a precedent. The law-enforcers say not. This is not an attempt to build a generic flaw in Apples encryption, through which government can walk as needed. It is a request to unlock a specific device, akin to wiretapping a single phone line. The phone belonged to a government department, not Farook. Apple and other tech firms regularly co-operate with the authorities on criminal cases; this is no different. Yet Apple is being asked to do something new: to write a piece of software that does not currently exist in order to sidestep an iPhone feature that erases data after ten unsuccessful password attempts. Later models of the iPhone than the one Farook used are harder to compromise in this way. But if the courts ruling is upheld, it signals that companies can be compelled by the state to write new operating instructions for their devices. That breaks new ground.第一要看FBI的要求是否会开先例。执法机构认为不会,这并不会在苹果的加密系统中制造一个政府可以随意进出的普遍漏洞,他们只是要求解锁一个特定装置,这就相当于搭线窃听一个特定的电话一样。这部手机属于政府部门,而不再是Farook。苹果和其他科技公司经常会配合当局解决犯罪案件,这次也并无不同。然而这次执法机构要求苹果做的是一件前所未有的事情:写一个全新的程序去阻拦iPhone中“输错10次密码就会清除所有数据”的程序设定。在Farook手机之后生产的新型号iPhone较难用这种方法破解。但是,一旦此判决被执行,就表示政府可以强令公司改写其产品的运行指令。这会为后人打破先例。The second issue is whether that precedent is justified. And that entails a judgment on whether security would be enhanced or weakened by Apples compliance. In the short term, the answer is that security will be enhanced. Farook was a terrorist; his phone is the only one being unlocked; and the device might give up the identity of other malefactors. But in the longer term, things are much fuzzier.第二要看先例是否公正。问题来了:苹果执行这一判决之后,安全性是增强还是减弱呢?短期而言,是安全性会被加强。Farook曾是个恐怖分子,他的手机是现在唯一正被解锁的,而且可能从这台设备中发现其他罪犯的身份。但长期而言,事态越来越扑朔迷离。Security does not just mean protecting people from terrorism, but also warding off the threat of rogue espionage agencies, cybercriminals and enemy governments. If Apple writes a new piece of software that could circumvent its password systems on one phone, that software could fall into the hands of hackers and be modified to unlock other devices. If the capability to unlock iPhones exists, so will the temptation for the authorities to use it repeatedly. And if tech firms are forced to comply with this sort of request in America, it is harder for anyone to argue against similar demands from more repressive governments, such as Chinas. This newspaper has long argued against cryptographic backdoors and skeleton keys on these grounds. It is possible to imagine a scenario that might override such concerns: if information is needed to avert a specific and imminent threat to many lives, for example. But in this instance, Apples case is the stronger.安全性不仅意味着保护人们免受恐怖主义危害,还能规避流氓间谍机构、网络罪犯与敌军政府的威胁。如果苹果写了一个新的软件,能够规避一部手机的口令系统,那么软件就能落入黑客手中,被他修改并解锁其他设备。如果有能力解锁iPhones,那么当局也同样会反复使用此项技能。如果技术公司被迫同意美国这种请求的话,那么换作其他更具压迫性的政府,例如中国,他们若提出这般相似请求,会更难对抗。本报长期反对解密后门与基于此方面的万能钥匙。可以去想象一个这样的场景,或许能扫除这些担忧:需要获取数据信息来避免对许多人构成的一次特殊紧急威胁。但在这种情形下,苹果案例比较有说力。Core arguments核心论This battle presages others. If the courts rule against Apple, it will work to make its devices so secure that they cannot be overridden by any updates. In that event (or, indeed, if the tech firm wins the Farook case), legislators will be tempted to mandate backdoor access via the statute book. If Tim Cook, Apples boss, is not to hasten the outcome he wishes to avoid, he must lay out the safeguards that would have persuaded the firm to accede to the FBIs request. Tech firms are at the centre of a vital policy debate (see article). Apple has rejected the authorities solution. Now it must propose its own.这场对战还预示了其他方面。如果法庭判苹果败诉,它将会使它的设备安全到不会被任何更新软件推翻。倘或确实科技公司在Farook案例上获胜,执法人员将会选择通过成文法强制指令解密后门。如果苹果老板Tim Cook不打算加速实现他想规避的结果,那他必须安排好本可以说公司同意FBI要求的安全措施。科技公司处于重要政策争论的中心。苹果已经拒绝官方的解决方式。现如今它必须提出自己的解决方式。 翻译:邓小雪 amp; 颜琪琳 校对:王丹培译文属译生译世 /201603/429434

  Environmental policy环保政策Reefer madness珊瑚礁化狂热Turning oil rigs into reefs saves money and marine life. Yet many greens oppose it石油钻塔变成群礁,既可以省钱,又可以拯救海洋生命。然而,许多绿色环保人士依旧反对这项举措WHEN an offshore well stops producing oil, what should be done with the rig? One option is to haul it ashore, break it up and recycle it. This is expensive. For a big, deep-water oil or gas platform, it can cost 0m. Just hiring a derrick barge massive enough to do the job can cost 0,000 a day. But there is an alternative: simply leave most of the structure where it is. That is what you would expect a greedy oil firm to do: despoil the ocean just to save a lousy few million dollars. The surprise is, the cheap option may actually be greener.当海上油井停止产油,那我们该怎样处置钻塔呢?其中一个做法就是将其拉上岸,分解再重新循环利用。但其费用昂贵。一个大型的深海石油或天然气平台大约花费2亿美金。租一艘井架驳船就足够搞定,其费用为每天70万美元。还有另外一个选择:放任其不管。而那样做的只会是贪婪的石油公司,他们打劫海洋,省下几百万。然而,让人吃惊的是,最便宜的选择也许是最环保的。For a start, it takes a lot of energy to move a rig. The ships that would be needed to shift Californias largest one would emit 29,400 tonnes of carbon dioxide, by one estimate. And moving a rig disturbs the organisms that have attached themselves to its underside, or jacket. Far better, some say, to turn old rigs into coral reefs.一开始,要移除钻塔需要费很大力气。若想要动加州最大的钻塔,那么运输船在这个过程中预估会释放出2.94万吨二氧化碳。而且,移动钻塔会影响附着在塔周围的有机体。若要全面考虑的话,有些人认为应该把老的钻塔转换成珊瑚礁。“Reefing” typically involves bringing a platforms above-water parts ashore and cropping the lower parts to leave at least 26m of clearance: deep enough for ships to pass over, yet shallow enough for photosynthesis to nourish organisms on its upper reaches (see picture). Oil-rig reefs may shelter and feed up to eight tonnes of fish. In Shell moved a jacket in the Gulf of Mexico ten kilometres (six miles) away. The fish followed.“珊瑚礁化”过程往往涵盖了把石油平台水上的部分拉上岸以及保水下部分26米的空隙,这样方便船只通过,但对滋润生物的光合作用空间却依然不够(详情见图)。石油钻塔珊瑚礁可以给高达8吨的鱼群提供庇护以及食物。年,谢尔把位于墨西哥湾的钻塔挪了大概6米,鱼群也跟着移动了。More than 490 platforms in American waters have become reefs in the past three decades. The federal Bureau of Safety and Environmental Enforcement urges states to issue reefing permits. State coffers gain: oil firms typically hand over half the money they save by reefing.在过去的三十年间,美国海域里超过490个石油钻井平台已经转变成珊瑚礁了。美国联邦安全和环境执法局督促各州“珊瑚礁化”。国库增加,而且石油公司往往可以从“珊瑚礁化”中直接获得超过一半的钱。Those savings vary greatly. Small platforms in shallow waters can often be removed for m, but sometimes for as little as m, according to DecomWorld, a consultancy. But for states with lots of offshore oil rigs, the windfalls soon add up. Mississippi pocketed an average of 5,000 for each of the 12 permits it has issued, according to Melissa Scallan of the states Department of Marine Resources. Louisianas take has averaged 0,000 per reefing—and the state has seen 336 of them, says Mike McDonough of the Louisiana Department of Wildlife and Fisheries.从“珊瑚礁化”中省下的钱数目各不相同。在浅水海域,小钻井平台所需费用大概是1亿美元,有时候也可能只要100万美元。这些数据来源于DecomWorld顾问公司。但是,拥有的海上钻塔数量越多,就越能大发横财。国家海洋能源局梅丽莎提供信息,表明在12个钻塔中,密西西比州能从中平均每一个钻塔获得62.5万美元。来自路易斯安那野生动物与渔业局的麦克认为,该州平均从每个珊瑚礁获利27万美元,而且目前已经发现了336座珊瑚礁。Currently, less than a tenth of Americas old oil and gas platforms are reefed. Sometimes the reasons for this are practical. For example, platforms may be removed if waiting for a permit means weathering another hurricane season (in 2005 150 defunct platforms in the Gulf of Mexico were toppled by winds and waves). Operators typically favour reefing but it is not always economical or allowed, says David Welch of Stone Energy Corporation. The firm has only reefed 12 of the 60 Gulf of Mexico platforms it has decommissioned.在美国,不到十分之一的老天然气和石油平台珊瑚化。理由往往很现实。比如,平台只要能熬过飓风季节,那么才有可能移除(在2005年,位于墨西哥湾的150座废弃平台被海风海浪摧毁)。能源公司的大卫·威尔士认为,经营商特别持“珊瑚礁化”,但是,这样做往往不划算而且也不合法。该公司目前也才将墨西哥湾60座退役平台中的12座“珊瑚礁化”。That share is likely to grow. Within five years oil firms will be reefing one offshore rig in four, predicts Quenton Dokken of the Gulf of Mexico Foundation, a conservation group. Gulf states, particularly Louisiana and Texas, are making “a big push” to streamline the permitting process, he says.这中趋势有可能会增加,墨西哥湾基地的Quenton预测,在五年内,石油公司将能把四分之一的海上钻井平台“珊瑚礁化”。海湾各州,特别是路易斯安那州和德州,正在努力简化审批流程。Far bigger savings are possible in the deep waters off California. Four years ago the Golden State passed a law allowing reefing. Operators are loth to estimate costs publicly, but the Tulane University Energy Institute reckons that reefing the states 27 platforms could save billion. A platform or two could be retired as early as next year, though rising oil prices may mean they keep pumping longer.在远离加州海岸线的深水区里,省下的钱或许会更多。四年前,加州通过了一项允许“珊瑚化”的法律。经营商并不愿意公开费用,但是杜兰大学能源学院认为,将该州27个钻井平台“珊瑚礁化”能够省下20亿美元。尽管上升的油价会迫使钻井平台产生更多价值,但其中有1-2个平台最早在明年就会停止使用。The California Ocean Science Trust, a research group that has advised lawmakers, thinks that platforms increase marine life and should not all be removed. Skyli McAfee, the groups director, describes this conclusion as “a big fat duh”. Studies by Milton Love, a marine biologist at the University of California, Santa Barbara, support it. Oil platforms serve as “excellent nursery grounds” that boost fish populations, he says. The bocaccio, a rockfish whose numbers are worrying fishing authorities, is one big beneficiary.加州海洋科学信托研究机构,认为这些平台使得海洋生物繁殖,不应该全部被移除。该机构主任斯盖里·麦考非将这一结论描述为“一个大胖墩”。加州大学圣芭芭拉分校的生物学家弥尔顿发表一份研究,持该结论。石油钻井平台就像“优质育儿室”,促进鱼类繁殖。其中曾经一度让鱼类学家担心会走向灭绝的菖鲉目前是最大受益者。Yet the odds of preserving most oil-rig reefs look bleak. Public opposition is robust. Not one platform off California has been reefed. Activists e the findings of scientists such as James Cowan, an oceanographer at Louisiana State University, who studied isotopes, tissue caloric densities and the stomach contents of creatures from both natural and artificial reefs and concluded that the latter generate no extra biomass. The Environmental Defence Centre in Santa Barbara, a group that files anti-development lawsuits, advocates the complete removal of oil platforms. Linda Krop, its chief counsel, says that abandoned structures might damage anchors, rob natural reefs of fish and even leach poisons. She does, however, acknowledge the environmental damage associated with complete removal.然而,要尽可能多地保留石油钻机塔的几率看起来很渺茫。公众对此嗤之以鼻。加州海上钻井塔没有一个已经“珊瑚礁化”。激进分子引用一些科学家的研究结果,比如路易斯安娜州大学海洋学家詹姆斯·柯旺在研究同位素、组织热量密度及天然珊瑚礁与人工珊瑚礁上的生物胃内情况之后,得出结论,人工珊瑚礁不会为生物提供生活所需。圣芭芭拉环境保护中心主要任务就是给反运动的法律诉讼存档,他们提倡完全移除石油钻井平台。其首席律师琳达·科咯普认为废弃的建筑可能会破坏锚、珊瑚礁,甚至会释放有毒物质。然而,她也承认完全移除这些平台也会对环境造成破坏。When reefs cause grief当珊瑚礁引发灾难Greenpeace, a pressure group, makes a different argument. John Hocevar, its head of ocean campaigns, concedes that in some locations reefed platforms, if non-toxic, may increase marine life. But they should be banned anyway, he says, because they save the oil firms money and therefore encourage them to drill more.绿色和平组织给出了不同的意见。该组织海洋运动的领头人约翰承认在一些海域,如果“珊瑚礁化”的平台无毒,那么久有可能促进海洋生物的繁殖。但是,无论如何都要禁止这些钻井平台“珊瑚礁化”。因为“珊瑚礁化”可以帮助石油公司省下一大笔钱,这样一来,便会煽动他们去海上开采更多的石油。The debate is likely to intensify. In the Gulf of Mexico some 400 platforms are now being decommissioned each year. Divers and many fishermen want more to be reefed; shrimpers complain that reefs prevent them from dragging nets across parts of the ocean floor. In California operators must decide quickly if they wish to turn redundant rigs into reefs. Until 2017 firms can keep 45% of the savings. After that the figure falls to 35% until 2023; then it drops to just 20%.讨论越趋激烈。每年,墨西哥湾有400座钻井平台停止使用。潜水员和渔民希望钻井平台“珊瑚礁化”越多越好,而捕虾人却抱怨珊瑚礁会妨碍他们在洋底撒网。在加州,经营商如果想把多余的钻井平台变成珊瑚礁,他们必须尽快做出决定。到2017年,石油公司可以保省下45%的费用,2017年以后,降至35%,到2023年,降至20%。For now, the evidence suggests that reefing is a rare policy. It is both eco-friendly and pays for itself.至今为止,“珊瑚礁化”这一政策是很罕见的,这样做不仅环保而且很负责。译者:黄柳 译文属译生译世 /201601/421182

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