旅游  |  攻略  |  美食  |  自驾  |  团购
您的位置: 青海省旅游网 / 规划 / 新闻动态 / 青海要闻

泉州丰泽区人流医院哪家最专业中华解答泉州有哪个医院治疗腺肌症

来源:最新社区    发布时间:2019年09月19日 02:44:09    编辑:admin         

First things first. China is not about to replace the US as the world’s superpower. Last week’s news that China’s economy was close to overtaking that of the US on a purchasing-power basis marked a statistical milestone. But little more.首先让我们谈谈最重要的问题。中国在短期内不会取代美国成为全球的超级大国。上周有新闻报道称,中国按购买力平价计算的经济规模就要超越美国,这从统计上来说是一个里程碑,但其意义仅限于此。China is neither able nor ambitious to step into America’s shoes. It will be a decade or so before it overtakes the US in dollar terms. The story of our age is that the US is increasingly unwilling – and in crucial respects, unable – to continue in the role it has played for the past 70 years. After America comes multipolarity – not China. The question is, what type? Will it be based on a system of US-framed global rules? Or will it be “après moi, le déluge”?当前中国既没有能力也没有雄心承担美国的角色。中国按美元计算的经济规模还需要10年左右才能超越美国。我们这个时代的主旋律是,美国越来越不愿意——而且在某些关键方面也越来越没有能力——继续扮演其在过去70年一直扮演的角色。美国时代之后出现的是多极化——而非中国独大。问题是哪种形式的多极化?它将基于一套由美国框定的全球规则体系?抑或是“我死之后,哪管它洪水滔天”?The shift in geopolitics is aly well under way at both ends of the Eurasian land mass. Last week Barack Obama returned from a four-nation Asian tour of China’s neighbours, all of whom fear an expanding regional hegemon. The US president spends much of the rest of his time trying to shore up unity among those living in Russia’s vicinity, from Ukraine westwards. They too fear an increasingly predatory regional power. Two generations ago George Kennan framed America’s famous “containment” strategy for the Soviet Union. Today, the US is stumbling into dual containment of China and Russia.在欧亚大陆的两端,地缘政治形势已经在发生变化。上周,美国总统巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama)在结束了对亚洲四国的访问后回到美国,这些国家都是中国的邻国,它们都担心出现一个不断扩张的地区霸权。奥巴马其余时间的大部分都用于试图增进邻近俄罗斯的国家(从乌克兰开始向西延伸)之间的团结,这些国家也害怕出现一个愈发具有掠夺性的地区强权。两代人以前,乔治#8226;凯南(George Kennan)框定了美国针对苏联的著名“遏制”战略。如今,美国跌跌撞撞地陷入了对中国和俄罗斯的双重遏制。The demand for US leadership remains strong. But America’s ability to sustain a dual containment strategy is an open question.世界各国仍然非常需要美国继续保持全球领导地位。但美国推行双重遏制战略的能力是带有问号的。The return of great power rivalry in Asia and Europe finds a close parallel in global economic shifts. The US remains much the top dog in dollar terms – the only measure that counts. Its per capita income remains five times that of China. It may take 40 years or more for China’s living standards to catch up. But the speed with which it is catching up is breathtaking. At the start of the century China accounted for barely 4 per cent of the global economy in dollar terms. Today it is about 12 per cent. The US has fallen from just under a third, to barely 20 per cent.亚洲和欧洲重新回到大国角力状态,也密切反映了全球经济实力的转移。按美元计算(这是唯一真正有意义的衡量标准),美国仍是遥遥领先的全球最大经济体。美国的人均收入仍是中国的五倍。中国或许还需要40年甚至更久的时间才能赶上美国的生活水平。但中国奋起直追的速度令人惊叹。本世纪初,中国在按美元计算的全球经济总量中所占比重仅为4%,如今这一比重已经达到大约12%。同期美国所占比重则从略低于三分之一降至仅20%。China will overtake the US sometime in the next decade. But it can never replace it. Therein lies the danger. The US will no longer have the capacity to uphold the global order, while China will always lack the legitimacy. In addition to being an autocracy, China is not built on immigration and has never sought to project universal values.中国将在未来10年的某个时点超越美国。但中国永远无法替代美国。这正是危险所在。美国将不再具备维护全球秩序的能力,而中国将永远缺乏承担这一责任的正当性。除了威权政体以外,中国不是一个建立在移民基础上的国家,而且从未寻求倡导普世价值观。We are aly in the early stages of a multipolar economic world. The postwar US global order was built around the international institutions that it launched – the UN, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and Nato. It was also founded on the successive world trade agreements that culminated in the Uruguay Round of 1994.我们已经进入了全球经济多极化的初期阶段。战后美国主导的全球秩序是围绕着美国创立的一系列国际机构建立的,这些机构包括联合国(UN)、国际货币基金组织(International Monetary Fund,简称IMF)、世界(World Bank)和北约(Nato)。以1994年乌拉圭回合(Uruguay round)谈判完成为终点的一系列国际贸易协定,同样为全球秩序的形成奠定了基础。Since then the US has lacked the capacity to finish a new round. The Doha trade round is all but dead. Mr Obama’s big trade initiatives in Europe and the Pacific are foundering. Both were launched for defensive reasons – China was not included in the Transpacific Partnership and Russia is not part of the transatlantic talks. But the US lacks the clout to see them through.自那以后,美国一直未能推动新一轮贸易谈判顺利完成。多哈(Doha)回合贸易谈判已几乎死亡。奥巴马在欧洲和太平洋地区主推的大手笔贸易倡议进展不顺。这两项举措都是出于防御目的而发起的——中国没有被纳入《跨太平洋战略经济伙伴关系协定》(TPP),俄罗斯也不是跨大西洋贸易谈判的一员。但美国缺乏推动这两项谈判顺利完成的影响力。The same applies to reform of the IMF. It is absurd that China’s voting share of the world’s top economic body is just 4 per cent – barely a third of its dollar weighting in the global economy.这一问题在IMF的改革中同样存在。中国在这一世界顶尖经济组织中的投票权重仅为4%(勉强达到中国在全球经济总量中所占比重的三分之一),这非常荒谬。Countries such as India, Mexico and Brazil are also woefully under-represented: Belgium still has a greater voting weight than either. Understandably they are beginning to drift away from the institutions the US built. To his credit, Mr Obama concluded the IMF governance negotiations that were begun under George W Bush and reached a deal to increase the emerging world’s representation. But even this marginal reweighting has been blocked by Congress, which is also blocking Mr Obama’s leeway to pursue his trade initiatives. The US is behaving like a declining hegemon: unwilling to share power, yet unable to impose outcomes.印度、墨西哥、巴西等国的投票权重同样严重偏低(比利时的投票权重仍比上述任何一个国家都要高)。可以理解的是,新兴国家正开始渐渐疏远美国打造的国际机构。值得肯定的是,奥巴马完成了始于乔治·W·布什(George W #8201;Bush)任内的IMF治理谈判,并达成了一项协议,提高新兴世界国家在IMF中的投票权重。但即便是这种小幅度的权重调整也遭到了美国国会的阻挠,美国国会还封杀了奥巴马推动贸易谈判的自由空间。美国表现得像是一个日渐衰落的霸权:不愿分享权力,但也无法强迫别国接受安排。The same influences are visible in America’s approach to tackling climate change. As the world’s richest country, the US cut a deal to subsidise carbon emission reductions in the emerging world. But the so-called “cash for cuts” strategy is missing a vital ingredient – cash.同样的影响在美国处理气候变化问题的方式中也能看出。作为全球最富有的国家,美国达成了一项协议,拟为新兴国家缩减碳排放提供补贴。但这个所谓的“以减排换资金”(cash for cuts)战略缺少一个关键元素——资金。Neither the US nor its partners will come up with anything like the 0bn a year in climate aid promised in the Copenhagen talks in 2009. Again, Congress is blocking America’s leadership. Mr Obama is powerless to do much about it. Thankfully, China, India and others are beginning to see that energy efficiency is in their own interests. But they are making changes on their own initiative.美国及其盟国都根本无法履行它们在2009年哥本哈根气候变化大会上作出的承诺,即每年提供1000亿美元的气候援助。美国国会再一次叫停了美国的领导角色。奥巴马对此有心无力,做不了太多。所幸中国、印度以及其他国家开始认识到,提高能源效率符合它们自身的利益。但这些国家正按照自己的打算做出改变。The die has not yet been cast. The US holds more cards than any other in shaping what the multipolar world will look like. It has more legitimacy than any potential rival – China in particular. But America’s ability to address these vast challenges is stymied by domestic paralysis. Central to this is the declining fortunes of America’s middle class – the foundation of its postwar global strength. Growing economic inequality across the US, and the political fallout in Washington, have killed the spirit of magnanimity that defined cold war American leadership. This loss is impossible to quantify. It is no less real for that.形势尚未达到不可逆转的地步。就塑造未来多极世界的格局而言,美国手中的牌比其他任何国家都要多。相对于任何潜在竞争对手——特别是中国,美国具备更强的正当性。但美国国内的瘫痪状态,削弱了美国应对这些巨大挑战的能力。问题的核心在于,美国中产阶级的境遇(这是战后美国全球实力的根基)在走下坡路。美国国内经济不平等的加剧,加上华盛顿的政治冲击波,扼杀了冷战期间奠定美国全球领导角色的宽宏大度的精神。这一损失无法量化,但它是真真切切存在的。America still has the power to set the tone of global engagement and negotiate outcomes that benefit both itself and the world. But it will require the US to retrieve the spirit of enlightened self-interest that once defined the nation. We must all hope that spirit is dormant rather than extinct.美国仍然有实力为全球接触奠定基调,并通过谈判达成对于自身以及世界各国都有利的结局。但这就要求美国找回曾经界定这个国家的开明的自利精神。我们都应抱有希望:这种精神仅仅是沉睡了,而非绝迹了。 /201405/295107。

Islands: New wealth symbols岛屿:新的土豪象征Luxury cars and private jets are no longer topping the ;to-buy; lists of Chinese billionaires.豪车和私人飞机已经不再是中国亿万富翁的购物首选,现在土豪们的野心更大了:去斐济、图瓦卢和大溪地当;岛主;。Instead, it appears that some are about to set off for the South Pacific later this month in search of something altogether bigger: Their very own island in Fiji, Tuvalu or Tahiti.本月,部分富豪将组团前往南太平洋实地考察,求购属于自己的私人岛屿。It is the first time such a group has been put together with the sole aim of securing the members#39; own South Pacific plot of land, according to Lin Dong, the founder of the China Island Owners Association. Lin explained islands in Fiji are the cheapest, with plenty of choice but very few inhabitants.联盟的发起人林东表示,富豪们以团体形式去南太平洋购岛尚属首次,并解释说,斐济的岛最便宜,因为那边;岛多人少;。The islands are generally being offered under 99-year leases (no outright ownership is offered) priced at RMB3m.斐济岛屿不出售完全产权,只出租99年的使用权,售价300万元人民币。 /201506/381130。

Nelson Mandela, who rose from militant antiapartheid activist to become the unifying president of a democratic South Africa and a global symbol of racial reconciliation, died at his Johannesburg home following a lengthy stay at a Pretoria hospital, President Jacob Zuma said Thursday. He was 95.南非总统祖马(Jacob Zuma)周四宣布,纳尔逊?曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)在位于约翰内斯堡的家中去世,享年95岁。曼德拉曾是积极投身反种族隔离制度的活动人士,后来成为在实现了民主的南非使各方团结在一起的总统。同时他也是全球种族和解的一个象征。曼德拉去世前在比勒陀利亚的一家医院长期住院治疗。#39;He passed on peacefully,#39; Mr. Zuma said in a state television address. #39;This is a moment of our deepest sorrow. Our nation has lost its greatest son.#39;祖马在国有电视台发表讲话说,他平静地走了,此时此刻我们悲痛万分。我们的国家失去了它最伟大的儿子。Mr. Mandela spent nearly three months in the hospital through September, initially to treat a lung infection. It was the latest in a series of increasingly severe ailments South Africa#39;s first black president had battled since contracting tuberculosis during his nearly three decades in prison for opposing the former white-minority regime.在截至9月份的近三个月中,曼德拉一直在住院治疗,最初是因为肺部感染。这位南非首位黑人总统曾因反对少数白人执掌的前政府而入狱,在近30年的牢狱生涯中,曼德拉染上了肺结核,之后一直在与一系列不断加重的病痛作斗争。After he was discharged, South African officials had said that Mr. Mandela remained in #39;critical but stable#39; condition. But some members of his family acknowledged his precarious state in recent days, even as an admiring nation and well-wishers across the globe started to come to terms with his mortality.曼德拉出院后,南非官员曾说,曼德拉仍处于“危急但稳定”的状态。但对其充满敬仰的全国人民和全球持者开始不得不接受他病危的事实,同时他的一些家人近日承认他的病情危重。Though Mr. Mandela had stepped down from the presidency in 1999, he remained a father figure for a country going through wrenching economic and political change. South Africa#39;s economy has struggled to grow at a modest 2%, well below government targets of 7%, and unemployment among young people is close to 80%. In recent years, protests in predominantly black townships have erupted over poor public services and a dearth of job opportunities. Many young black South Africans, born after the dawn of democracy in 1994, are channeling their frustration toward the current government, led by Mr. Mandela#39;s African National Congress.尽管曼德拉1999年卸任总统之职,但在经历了艰难的经济和政治变革的南非,他仍是一个国父般的人物。南非的经济增速只有2%,远远低于政府提出的7%的目标,年轻人失业率接近80%。近年来,在居民主要为黑人的城镇,围绕糟糕的公共务和就业机会的缺乏爆发了抗议活动。南非很多在1994年实现民主制后出生的黑人年轻人开始将失望的情绪发泄到现政府头上。现政府由曼德拉的非洲人国民大会党(African National Congress, 简称:非国大)领导。It was as a prisoner that Mr. Mandela first became a rallying point for opponents of apartheid. After he was sentenced to life in prison in 1964, he spent more than a quarter-century behind bars, much of it in a maximum-security prison on Robben Island, off the coast of Cape Town.曼德拉在狱中开始成为反种族隔离人士的号召力人物。1964年他被判终身监禁后,在狱中度过了逾四分之一个世纪的岁月,其中大部分时间被关押在开普敦附近罗本岛(Robben Island)上一个戒备森严的监狱里。By the time he was released from a different prison in 1990, the tables had been turned. South Africa had become a pariah nation and Mr. Mandela would lead his country#39;s re-embrace of a world that had spurned its racist government.到1990年他在另外一个监狱被释放时,局势已经扭转。南非已经成为一个不受欢迎的国家,曼德拉将领导他的国家迎来一个推翻了种族主义政府的世界。With South African President F.W. de Klerk, whom he had met secretly with other apartheid officials in prison, Mr. Mandela would pick apart the machinery of white political domination through painstaking negotiations. Those negotiations laid the groundwork for the election in 1994 of the country#39;s first black president-Mr. Mandela himself.由于德克勒克(F.W. de Klerk)当时担任南非总统,曼德拉愿通过艰苦谈判来废除这部白人统治政坛的机器。德克勒克与其他反种族隔离官员曾在狱中秘密会见过曼德拉。那些谈判为1994年南非诞生第一位黑人总统──曼德拉本人,奠定了基础。Mr. Mandela inherited a fractured nation. He led it back from the brink of civil war, forming a government of national unity that demolished apartheid and established a constitution that is one of the most liberal in the world in terms of human rights-outlawing, for example, discrimination based on sexual orientation.South Africa later became the first country on the continent to legalize gay marriage.曼德拉接手的是一个四分五裂的国家。他将这个国家从内战的边缘拉了回来,建立了一个全国统一政府,废除了种族隔离制度,制定了新宪法。从人权角度而言,这是世界上最自由的宪法之一,例如禁止以性取向歧视他人。南非后来成为非洲大陆第一个将同性恋婚姻合法化的国家。The Truth and Reconciliation Commission he championed hastened the end of racial conflict by granting amnesty in return for testimony, and became a model for ending seemingly intractable conflicts elsewhere. East Timor, Liberia and Peru were among the countries that would follow South Africa#39;s example.曼德拉持的真相与和解委员会(Truth and Reconciliation Commission)以特赦换真相的方式加速了南非种族冲突的终结,这也成了世界其它国家结束看似棘手冲突的模式。东帝汶、利比里亚和秘鲁都是愿效仿南非的国家之一。At the time, Mr. Mandela#39;s tall task was, as he put it, to find the #39;middle ground between white fears and black hopes.#39; But he also needed to reconcile disparate factions within his party, the African National Congress. Some influential ANC leaders wanted to take a tougher line against whites after triumphing at the ballot box, and some argued for a wealth tax to speed the redistribution of the country#39;s resources, according to Verne Harris, a historian at the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory, which houses the archives of the former president.那个时候,曼德拉的艰巨任务,用他自己的话来讲就是,要找到白色恐怖和黑色希望的中间地带。但同时他也需要调和非国大内部不同派系之间的矛盾。纳尔逊?曼德拉记忆中心(Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory)的历史学家哈里斯(Verne Harris)表示,当时一些有影响力的非国大领袖希望在选举获胜后对白人采取更为强硬的态度,另一些人则主张征收财产税以加速南非国民资源的再分配。该中心存放着这位前总统的档案资料。#39;There were many who argued the case for tough love-don#39;t make it easy for them,#39; says Mr. Harris. #39;Reconciliation was a beautiful fit for South Africa, but we forget that it wasn#39;t the only approach being discussed at the time.#39;哈里斯说,当时有很多人为“爱之深则应责之切”辩解,觉得不能便宜了他们。他说,和解的确是适合南非的良策,但我们忘了,这并不是当时探讨的唯一方法。During his six decades in the public arena, Mr. Mandela wasn#39;t above precipitous shifts in position. He initially put his faith in Gandhian nonviolence, but when strikes and protests began to seem futile, he founded a band of saboteurs. He believed in obedience to the party, but acted unilaterally at turning points in the struggle.He advocated nationalizing South Africa#39;s mines, but changed his mind when the stance threatened to deprive a struggling economy of much-needed capital.活跃在公众领域的60年时间里,曼德拉并不在乎其立场的急剧转变。他最开始相信甘地(Gandhian)的非暴力不合作运动,但当罢工和抗议看似徒劳之后,曼德拉组建了一破坏者小分队。他认为应该忠诚于非国大,但在斗争出现转折点时却采取了单方面行动。他主张将南非的矿山国有化,但当这个主张可能会使南非举步维艰的经济丧失亟需的资本时,他改变了态度。Even occasional critics would come to see Mr. Mandela as the political glue that held his party, and later the country, together.即使偶尔冒出来的一些曼德拉的批评者也开始把曼德拉看作是是凝聚非国大、甚至是后来凝聚整个南非的粘合剂。Apartheid-era President de Klerk, who would serve as Mr. Mandela#39;s deputy after the country#39;s first democratic vote, said his former adversary #39;could be brutal#39; in negotiations. But the pair, who shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize for the country#39;s democratic transition, were able to sell compromises to supporters who differed radically in outlook.Mr. de Klerk said in a 2012 speech that the six-foot-four-inch former boxer #39;had the stature and the strength to hold his fractious alliance together-even at the most difficult junctures.#39;南非种族隔离时代的总统、将在南非第一次民主选举后就任曼德拉政府副总统的德克勒克说,他以前的这个劲敌在谈判时可能会很无情。但他俩却能让将那些对前景看法截然不同的持者接受和解方案。1993年,德克勒克与曼德拉因促成南非的民主转型共享了诺贝尔和平奖。德克勒克在2012年的一次演讲中说,这位身高六英尺四英寸(约1.83米)的前拳击手有名望和力量将那些倔强的持者团结在一起,哪怕是处于最困难的关头。Rolihlahla Mandela-#39;Nelson#39; was added when he started school-was born July 18, 1918, to a chief of the Thembu tribe of the Xhosa people in South Africa. He grew up in a village of mud huts and grass rooftops, the floors made of earth smeared with cow dung, in the land known as the Transkei. Women farmed corn, or mealies, pumpkins and beans; men left their families to work on white-owned farms or mines. Blacks at the time had few rights in the new country, founded by white European immigrants known as Afrikaners.罗利赫拉赫拉?曼德拉(Rolihlahla Mandela)出生于1918年7月18日,“纳尔逊”是他上学后添加的南非科萨人腾布王朝的一酋长的名字。他在特兰斯凯(Transkei)的一个小村子里长大,村房用泥巴制成,茅草覆顶,屋里的地板是抹着牛粪的土地。女人在家种玉米、南瓜和豆子,男人远在外面为白人拥有的农场或矿山打工。那时南非是个由布尔人(白人欧洲移民)新建立起来的一个国家,黑人几乎没有权利可言。Mr. Mandela was the first in his family to attend school and eventually began working toward a law degree in Johannesburg, a bustling commercial hub. He hoped for a civil-service job in the Native Affairs Department in the government, about as high as a black man could aspire at the time.曼德拉是他的家庭中第一个有机会上学的人,并最终在南非繁华的商业中心约翰内斯堡开始攻读法学学位。他曾希望在南非的本地事务部(Native Affairs Department)谋得一个公务员的工作,这在当时差不多是一个黑人可能怀有的最大梦想。His struggle for civil rights involved #39;a steady accumulation of one thousand slights, one thousand indignities, one thousand unremembered moments, [that] produced in me an anger, a rebelliousness, a desire to fight the system that impoverished my people,#39; he wrote in his autobiography.曼德拉在自传中写道,争取民权的过程包含了一次次轻蔑、一次次侮辱和无数个已被遗忘瞬间的不断积累,正是这些令我愤怒、反抗并渴望打破这个使我的人民陷入贫困的制度。He joined the African National Congress and helped found its Youth League.In his early years as an activist, Mr. Mandela viewed with deep suspicion the white Communists who he feared would take over the black liberation movement. In one defeated motion, he sought to expel Communist members from the ANC. Another time, Mr. Mandela recounted in his autobiography, he stormed the stage of a Communist Party meeting, tearing up signs and grabbing the microphone. He would mellow in his later years, and would even come to view South Africa#39;s Communists as critical allies and laud a socialist path for development. But unlike many of his fellow ANC leaders, Mr. Mandela distanced himself ideologically from the country#39;s Marxists.他参加了非国大并帮助成立了非国大的青年团(Youth League)。在作为政治活动家的初期,曼德拉对白人共产党员抱有深深的怀疑,担心他们会接管黑人的解放运动。他曾试图将共产党员从非国大中驱逐出去,但这一动议最终受挫。据曼德拉在自传中描述,还有一次,他曾冲上一个共产党会议的讲台,撕毁标语并抢夺麦克风。后来曼德拉变得更加成熟,甚至将南非共产党视为重要盟友,并赞同社会主义发展道路。但与非国大的其他许多领导人不同,曼德拉与国内的马克思主义者在思想上一直保持着距离。#39;I believed that it was an undiluted African nationalism, not Marxism or multiracialism, that would liberate us,#39; he wrote. The ANC became the center of resistance to apartheid, the South African system of racial segregation, introduced after the National Party came to power in 1948. The system made racial distinctions into law, forbidding interracial relationships, mandating that the races live apart, and requiring that all South Africans be registered by race.曼德拉写道,我相信纯粹的非洲民族主义才能解放我们,而不是马克思主义或多种族制度。非国大逐渐成为了抵制种族隔离的核心力量。南非的种族隔离制度是在1948年南非国家党(National Party)执政后推出的。这一制度将种族歧视列入法律,禁止异族通婚,规定种族分居,并要求所有南非人进行种族登记。 /201312/267762。

As executives at GlaxoSmithKline PLC last year were reviewing an internal whistleblower#39;s allegations of bribery in China, they received something else: a sex of their top China executive in his home with a female companion, a person familiar with its contents said.据一位知情人士称,在去年葛兰素史克(Glaxosmithkline plc)的高管们对指控该公司在中国行贿的一位内部告密者进行调查之际,他们还收到了别的东西:葛兰素史克前中国高管马克锐(Mark Reilly)在家中与一位女伴的性爱录像。The British drug maker regarded the --apparently shot without the executive#39;s knowledge--as a breach of security, the person said.该人士称,葛兰素史克将拍摄此段录像视为违反安全的行为。该录像显然是在马克锐不知情的情况下拍摄的。The executive in the , Mark Reilly, directed the company to hire a Shanghai-based private investigation firm run by a British national and his Chinese-born wife to investigate the breach, the person said.该知情人士还称,马克锐要求公司雇佣上海一家私人调查公司来调查此事。这家公司由一位英国人及其华裔妻子运营。Those investigators--former journalist Peter Humphrey and Yu Yingzeng, a naturalized U.S. citizen--subsequently were arrested by Chinese authorities last year and remain in custody. Official Chinese media said their investigative firm, ChinaWhys Co., had illegally gathered large amounts of personal information on Chinese citizens.这两位私人调查员是曾当过记者的韩飞龙(Peter Humphrey)及其美籍华人妻子虞英曾(音)。二人随后于去年被中国政府逮捕,目前仍被拘留。据中国官方媒体称,这对夫妻开设的调查公司中慧(ChinaWhys Co.)非法获取了大量中国公民的个人信息。Until this weekend#39;s disclosure about the , it wasn#39;t clear whether ChinaWhys had been working for Glaxo when its owners were seized by authorities. The details of the were reported by Britain#39;s Sunday Times newspaper.在韩飞龙和虞英曾被中国政府逮捕时,外界并不清楚中慧是否在为葛兰素史克提供务,直至周末上述录像被披露时真相才水落石出。英国《星期日泰晤士报》(Sunday Times)最先报道了该录像的细节。The disclosures add new details to a series of events that has shaken up the U.K. drug maker#39;s operations in China and put the industry under a microscope.此前的一系列事件已经撼动葛兰素史克的中国业务,并让医药行业被放在显微镜下审视,这段视频为这一系列事件又增添了一些新细节。Chinese law enforcement in May accused Mr. Reilly of ordering subordinates to commit bribery that generated billions of yuan in revenue for Glaxo#39;s China operations. Authorities alleged that Mr. Reilly, a Briton, ordered his sales team and other employees to bribe hospital doctors, health-care organizations and other parties on #39;a large scale#39; to boost drug sales in China.中国执法部门5月份指控马克锐指示下属行贿,从而为葛兰素史克的中国业务创造了人民币数十亿元的收入。中国有关部门声称,为了提高在中国的药物销售额,英国籍人士马克锐指示其销售团队及其他雇员对医院医生、医疗保健组织以及其他人员大规模行贿。Glaxo has said that some of its employees may have broken Chinese laws and that the company, including Mr. Reilly, were assisting the investigation.葛兰素史克曾表示,其部分雇员违反了中国的法律,该公司包括马克锐在内正在协助相关调查。Mr. Reilly couldn#39;t be reached for comment and hasn#39;t commented in the past. As of last month he was in China and hadn#39;t been arrested or detained, a person familiar with his movements said. He remains a Glaxo employee, though the company appointed a new head of its China operations last year.记者无法联系到马克锐置评,他之前也从未发表过。据熟悉他行动的知情人称,直到上个月他还在中国,也没有被逮捕或拘留。他仍是葛兰素史克的雇员,不过该公司去年已经任命了新的中国业务主管。Regarding the husband-wife investigative firm, Glaxo had declined to say whether they working for Glaxo, though people familiar ChinaWhys had said it had done work for Glaxo in the past. Ms. Yu and Mr. Humphrey were detained in July, days after Chinese authorities first accused Glaxo of bribery. They were formally arrested in August.至于这家夫妻调查公司,葛兰素史克拒绝说明他们是否为该公司工作。不过熟悉中慧公司的人称,这家公司过去曾为葛兰素史克工作。虞英曾和韩飞龙于去年7月份被拘留,就在中国当局第一次指控葛兰素史克行贿之后。他们于去年8月份被正式逮捕。The couple couldn#39;t be reached for comment. China Central Television in August broadcast footage of the couple in which Mr. Humphrey said they used #39;used illegal means to obtain personal information.#39; The circumstances under which he made the statement couldn#39;t be determined.记者未能联系到这对夫妻置评。中国中央电视台去年8月播放了对他们的一段采访,汉弗莱说他们为获取个人信息使用了非法手段。但无法判断他是在何种情况下说这番话的。Family members of the couple last year said the two were suspected of breaking Chinese laws related to purchasing information that was considered personal.这对夫妻的家人去年表示,他们在中国涉嫌违法购买私人信息。ChinaWhys described itself as #39;a professional services consultancy that specials in discreet risk-mitigation solutions, consulting and investigation services to corporate clients in matters of high sensitivity across Greater China and the Asia Pacific.#39;中慧公司将自身描述为一家专业咨询务公司,专门向公司客户就大中华和亚太区的高度敏感事件提供谨慎的风险削减方案、以及咨询和调查务。It isn#39;t clear whether the arrests of Ms. Yu and Mr. Humphrey are connected with Chinese authorities#39; bribery allegations against Glaxo, nor whether the revelation of the would affect the bribery case. Chinese authorities have shown an increasing emphasis on protecting the privacy of Chinese citizens.目前还不清楚,虞英曾和韩飞龙被捕是否与中国当局对葛兰素史克贿赂指控有关,也不清楚被披露的录像是否会影响到贿赂案。中国当局已显示出其对保护中国公民隐私日益重视。Before receiving the email containing the of Mr. Reilly, Glaxo was investigating alleged corruption at its China division. An anonymous person in January of last year had presented the company with allegations that between 2004 and 2010 sales staff provided doctors with speaking fees, cash payments, dinners and expense-paid trips in return for prescribing the drug company#39;s products. The allegations sparked an internal probe, Glaxo said.在收到包含马克锐上述录像文件的电子邮件之前,葛兰素史克正在其中国部门调查腐败指控。有匿名者去年1月向有关方面透露情况,使该公司受到在2004-2010年期间存在贿赂行为的指控。指控称该公司销售人员向医生提供演讲费、现金、宴请以及免费旅游,用以换取他们在处方中开葛兰素史克药品。葛兰素史克称,该指控促使公司展开内部调查。It isn#39;t clear why the was sent to Glaxo executives, nor who shot it. At the time the was shot, Mr. Reilly was separated from his wife, the person familiar with the #39;s contents said.目前尚不清楚,为何这段录像被发送给葛兰素史克的管理人士,也不知道是谁拍摄的。据知情人士称,拍摄这段视频的时候,马克锐与其妻分居。 /201407/308991。

VATICAN CITY — Pope Francis called Thursday for a radical transformation of politics, economics and individual lifestyles to confront environmental degradation and climate change, blending a biting critique of consumerism and irresponsible development with a plea for swift and unified global action.梵蒂冈城——教皇方济各(Pope Francis)周四呼吁,对政治、经济和个人生活方式进行根本性变革,以应对环境恶化和气候变化,他将对消费主义和不负责任的发展模式的尖锐批评同采取迅速且统一的全球行动的请求结合在了一起。The vision that Francis outlined in a 184-page papal encyclical is sweeping in ambition and scope: He described relentless exploitation and destruction of the environment and said apathy, the reckless pursuit of profits, excessive faith in technology and political shortsightedness were to blame.方济各在184页的教皇通谕中概述的愿景在其雄心程度和覆盖范围上都相当可观。他描述了对环境无情的剥削和破坏,并表示冷漠、对利润的鲁莽追求、对科技的过度信心和政治短视要对此负主要责任。The most vulnerable victims, he declared, are the world’s poorest people, who are being dislocated and disregarded.他宣称最脆弱的受害者是世界上最贫穷的人,他们的生活被扰乱并被忽视。Francis, the first pope from the developing world, used the encyclical — titled “Laudato Si’,” or “Praise Be to You” — to highlight the crisis posed by climate change. He placed most of the blame on fossil fuels and human activity, while warning of an “unprecedented destruction of ecosystems, with serious consequence for all of us” if corrective action is not taken swiftly. Developed, industrialized countries were mostly responsible, he said, and are obligated to help poorer nations confront the crisis.方济各是第一位来自发展中世界的教皇,他用题为“Laudato Si”(赞美你)的通谕来突出气候变化所带来的危机。他把大部分的责任归结于化石燃料和人类活动,同时警告称,如果不采取迅速的纠正行动,“生态系统将蒙受前所未有的破坏,并对我们所有人造成严重后果”。发达的工业化国家要负主要负责,他说,这些国家有责任帮助贫穷国家应对危机。“Climate change is a global problem with grave implications: environmental, social, economic, political and for the distribution of goods,” he wrote. “It represents one of the principal challenges facing humanity in our day.”“气候变化是可能带来严重后果的一个全球性问题,其影响涉及环境,社会,经济,政治和物品的分配,”他写道。 “它代表了我们这个时代人类所面临的主要挑战之一。”The Vatican released the encyclical at noon on Thursday, three days after an Italian magazine posted a leaked draft online, to the fury of Vatican officials. The breach led to speculation that opponents of Francis inside the Vatican wanted to embarrass him by undermining the release.梵蒂冈在周四上午公布了通谕,让梵蒂冈官员愤怒的是,三天前一家意大利杂志就在网上发布了泄漏出来的草稿。此次泄漏事件导致人们猜测,梵蒂冈内部的方济各反对者希望通过破坏通谕公布来让他难堪。Even so, religious figures, environmentalists, scientists, executives and elected officials around the world awaited the official release, and scheduled news conferences or issued statements afterward. News media interest was enormous, in part because of Francis’ global popularity, but also because of the intriguing coalition he is proposing between faith and science.即便如此,世界各地的宗教人士、环保人士、科学家、高管和民选官员都对通谕的正式发布翘首以盼,并在之后安排了新闻发布会或发表了声明。新闻媒体对此十分关注,部分原因是方济各在全球的受欢迎度,但也是因他提出的信仰和科学之间的有趣联盟。Governments are now developing domestic climate-change plans to prepare for a ed Nations summit on the issue in Paris in December. The meeting’s goal is to achieve a sweeping accord in which every nation would commit to new policies to limit greenhouse-gas emissions. Many governments have yet to present plans, including major emitters like Brazil, which has a large Catholic population. The encyclical is seen as an unsubtle nudge for action.目前各国政府正在为定于12月在巴黎举行的联合国气候大会做准备,制定各自的国内排放计划。这次会议的目标是让所有国家在实施限制温室气体排放的新政策上达成一个全面协议。很多国家还没提交自己的计划,包括一些温室气体排放大国,如有大量天主教信徒的巴西。这份教皇通谕被看成较为直白的敦促之举,要各国展开行动。“It gives a lot of cover to political and economic leaders in those countries, as they make decisions on climate change policy,” said Timothy Wirth, vice chairman of the ed Nations Foundation.联合国基金会(ed Nations Foundation)副主席蒂莫西·维尔特(Timothy Wirth)表示,“在制定气候变化政策上,这份通谕给这些国家的政治和经济领导人提供了很多由头。”Catholic theologians say the overarching theme of the encyclical is “integral ecology,” which links care for the environment with a notion aly well developed in Catholic teaching: that economic development, to be morally good and just, must take into account people’s need for things like freedom, education and meaningful work.天主教神学家们表示,贯穿这份通谕的主题是“生态的不可或缺”,它将人们对环境的关心和天主教布道中一个已经被普遍接受的观念结合起来:即经济发展要想在道德层面上变得合理正当,它必须顾及到人们的其他需求,如自由、教育和有意义的工作。“The basic idea is, in order to love God, you have to love your fellow human beings, and you have to love and care for the rest of creation,” said Vincent Miller, who holds a chair in Catholic theology and culture at the University of Dayton, a Catholic college in Ohio. “It gives Francis a very traditional basis to argue for the inclusion of environmental concern at the center of Christian faith.”“这里的基本观念是,为了爱上帝,你必须爱自己的同类,以及热爱和关心上帝其他的造物。这一观念为教皇方济各论关心环境也是基督教信仰的核心观念打下了非常传统的根基,”文森特·米勒(Vincent Miller)说,他是俄亥俄州的天主教高校戴顿大学(University of Dayton)的天主教神学与文化教授。He added: “Critics will say the church can’t teach policy, the church can’t teach politics. And Francis is saying, ‘No, these things are at the core of the church’s teaching.’ ”他还说,“批评者会说教堂不能讲授政策,不能讨论政治。而方济各说,‘不,这些正是教堂布道的中心内容。’”Francis tapped a wide variety of sources in his encyclical, partly to underscore the universality of his message. He cited passages from his two papal predecessors, John Paul II and Benedict XVI, and drew prominently from a religious ally, Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople, leader of the world’s Eastern Orthodox Christians. He also cited a Sufi Muslim mystic, Ali al-Khawas.教皇方济各在这份通谕中引述甚广,部分原因是为强调他要传达的信息的普遍性。他援引了两位前任教皇约翰·保罗二世(John Paul II)和本尼迪克特十六世(Benedict XVI)之前的讲话,列举了其宗教盟友、东正教全球领袖君士坦丁堡大牧首巴塞洛缪一世(Patriarch Bartholomew I)的不少言论,此外还引用了一名苏菲派穆斯林(Sufi Muslim)神秘主义者阿里·阿尔-卡瓦斯(Ali al-Khawas)的观点。Central to Francis’ theme is the link between poverty and the planet’s fragility. The pope rejected the belief that technology and “current economics” would solve environmental problems, or “that the problems of global hunger and poverty will be resolved simply by market growth.”教皇方济各的核心主旨是将贫穷和这个星球的脆弱之处联系起来。教皇反对技术和“当前的经济”能解决环境问题的观点,也不认同“全球的饥饿和贫穷问题单单依靠市场发展就可迎刃而解”。“A huge indictment I see in this encyclical is that people have lost their sense of ultimate and proper goals of technology and economics,” said Christiana Z. Peppard, an assistant professor of theology, science and ethics at Fordham University in New York. “We are focused on short-term, consumerist patterns.”“这份通谕强烈谴责人们失去了对科技和经济发展的终极和正确目标的认知,”纽约福特汉姆大学(Fordham University)神学、科学和伦理学助理教授克里斯蒂安娜·Z·佩帕德(Christiana Z. Peppard)说道。“我们的注意力都集中于短期发展和消费主义模式。”Encyclicals are letters to the clergy and laity of the church that are considered authoritative. Catholics are expected to try to sincerely embrace their teachings. But more specific assertions in them can be categorized as “prudential judgments,” a phrase that some critics have invoked to reject Francis’ positions on issues like climate change or economic inequality.教皇通谕是教皇写给天主教教职人员和俗世信徒的信,在人们眼中具有权威性。天主教徒一般要尝试真诚地接受其中的教导。但有一些更具体的观点可以被归为“审慎意见”,一些批评者借这个词汇来反对教皇方济各在气候变化和经济不平等等议题上的立场。 /201506/382346。