时间:2019年06月27日 15:10:36

Li Shufu guffaws. The Chinese billionaire – viewed by some as his country’s answer to Henry Ford – executed one of corporate China’s most daring overseas raids when he bought Volvo Cars in 2010 from Ford.李书福放声大笑起来。这位被一些人视为中国的亨利#8226;福特(Henry Ford)的亿万富翁,在2010年收购了福特(Ford)旗下的沃尔沃汽车(Volvo Cars),这是中国企业最为大胆的海外收购行动之一。But the chairman of Zhejiang Geely as well as Volvo made his start in business in much more humble circumstances. He points at the FT’s photographer clicking away in this anonymous meeting room in a Brussels hotel and says: “My first starting point was as a photographer. Of course, without such a sophisticated piece of machinery.”但中国浙江吉利控股集团(Geely)董事长和沃尔沃董事长是在简陋得多的条件下开始创业的。他在布鲁塞尔一家酒店毫无特色的会议室里接受了英国《金融时报》的采访。他指着咔咔照相的摄影师说道:“我最开始就是搞摄影的。当然,那时没有这么复杂的设备。”He soon showed his entrepreneurial streak, setting up his own studio after his father gave him about Rmb100 (). But his “very cheap camera” was no longer any good. So Mr Li built his own “rather professional camera” as well as all the lighting, furniture and backdrops in the studio.他很快就表现出创业倾向——在父亲给了他大约100元人民币(合16美元)之后,他开了一家自己的照相馆。但他的“非常廉价的相机”满足不了需要,因此李书福制造了自己“相当专业的相机”以及照相馆里所有的照明设备、家具和背景幕布。That mixture of engineering and entrepreneurial drive has propelled the 50-year-old Mr Li to become one of the figureheads of private Chinese industry. Geely was the first non-state-owned carmaker when it began in 1997, and had revenues of Rmb29bn (.7bn) last year (Volvo had sales of SKr122bn, or bn). Questions still remain as to whether his bold purchase of the Swedish carmaker will pay off.这种工程悟性加创业精神推动今年50岁的李书福成为中国民营企业的领军人物之一。他于1997年创办的吉利集团是中国第一家民营汽车制造企业,去年收入达290亿元人民币(合47亿美元)——沃尔沃实现销售收入1220亿瑞士法郎,合190亿美元。至于他收购沃尔沃这家瑞典企业的大胆举措会否带来回报,仍有一些悬而未决的问题。But for Mr Li – who also owns Manganese Bronze, the maker of black London taxis – the journey to being a carmaker was a long one. After photography, he made his initial foray into industry, and a familiar pattern soon established itself.但是,对旗下还拥有伦敦黑色出租车生产商——锰铜控股公司(Manganese Bronze)的李书福而言,踏入汽车制造业是一个漫长的过程。在离开摄影行业之后,他首次涉足工业,很快展现出一种熟悉的模式。First, he spots an opportunity from a previous experience: in this case, the extraction of silver and gold from abandoned machinery, drawing on the knowledge he gained from developing photographs.首先,他从以往的经历发现一个机会:他利用从冲洗胶片中获得的知识,从废弃机械中提取金银。The jovial Mr Li – who writes poems in his spare time – is laughing again as he explains how increased competition in this niche forced him to move on. “Getting silver and gold out of junk machinery was quick to be learnt by others,” he says, speaking through a translator.乐呵呵的李书福喜欢在业余时间写诗。他在解释竞争加剧迫使他退出这一缝隙市场时再次大笑起来。他通过翻译表示:“其他人很快就学会了从废旧机械中提取金银。”The story soon repeated itself in a new industry. Aged 23, he moved on to designing and manufacturing parts for fridges and soon was making the entire appliance. He set up a company called Geely, similar to the Chinese word for “lucky”. To more chuckles, he recalls how the entry of more local players into this market drove him out again. The Chinese are “quick learners and quick followers”.同样的一幕很快出现在另一个行业。他在23岁的时候进入电冰箱配件设计和制造领域,并很快升级到整机生产。他创建了一家名为“吉利”的公司——在中文中,吉利是幸运的意思。当他回忆起本土企业纷纷涌入这个市场再次迫使他退出时,他又笑了。中国人“擅长学习和模仿”。Due to these setbacks, as well as the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, Mr Li decided “maybe it is a good time to have a break” and handed his business over to the local government, before heading to university.由于这些挫折,再加上1989年天安门广场事件,李书福觉得“或许是时候休息一段时间了”,于是他将企业交给当地政府,自己去上了大学。Several years of studies did little to alter the cycle of Mr Li’s businesses: early adoption, a rash of copiers, a move into new territory. So it proved with a construction business, part of which he still owns today.几年的学习没有怎么改变李书福的创业周期:率先进入某一行,然后模仿者一拥而上,于是转战新的行业。李书福仍持有部分股权的一家建筑企业就是一个例。Then, in 1993, he launched the first private Chinese company to make motorcycles. “Again: very popular, very successful and a lot who follow,” he says, adding that some of the competition became “vicious in nature”.接着在1993年,他创办了中国第一家制造托车的民营企业。他说:“还是老套路,产品非常受欢迎,企业取得了极大的成功,然后出现了大量的模仿者。”他补充说,有些竞争“在性质上变得具有恶意”。His final leap was into the car business. Mr Li, dressed in a blue suit with a Geely badge on his lapel, explains the attraction: “I believe the auto business is a highly comprehensive and complicated business. It’s not that easy for people simply to enter and ruin the whole thing.”他的最后一个跳跃是进入汽车行业。身穿蓝色西装、翻领上别着一个吉利徽章的李书福解释了汽车行业的吸引力:“我认为汽车是一项高度全面和复杂的业务。人们无法轻易进入这一行并糟蹋整个格局。”From the beginning he planned for the long term. “I believe the auto industry is a competition of human resources, competition of funding, competition of technology and the competition is international. So the key in all these [things] is people.” So he set up a university and technical schools to “supply the production base that we are establishing”.从一开始他就着眼于长远。“我认为汽车行业是人力资源的竞争、融资的竞争、技术的竞争,而且这些竞争是在国际舞台上展开的。因此这一切的关键是人才。”于是他创办了一所大学和若干技术学校,向“我们正在创建的生产基地输送人才”。But its early cars were far from a success. Despite rolling off the production line on August 8 – the luckiest day of the year in China – in 1998, the cars were so “rudimentary” Mr Li refused to sell them. “We scrapped them all and OK, that’s not good enough,” he says.不过,早期生产的轿车远远算不上成功。头一批轿车于1998年8月8日下线,尽管这一日期在中国被视为最幸运的一天,但李书福因这批轿车太“低劣”而不肯将其出售。他说:“我们将这批汽车全部报废。没错,它们不够好。”A second batch was scrapped too, and a third was “very unsatisfactory”. Similarly, a second factory in Ningbo in 2000 produced “very poor product, poor quality”.第二批轿车也同样报废,第三批则“很难让人满意”。与此类似,位于宁波的第二家工厂2000年也生产了“很糟糕的产品,质量很差”。The turning point came about through China’s application to join the World Trade Organisation and its concomitant promise to open up its industries. Mr Li no longer had to sub-license car design and production from another company, he could now do it himself. The Free Cruiser, based on a design by South Korea’s Daewoo, was started in 2002 and became one of the first Chinese cars to be displayed at an international show.事情的转机来自中国申请加入世界贸易组织(WTO),以及随之而来的产业开放承诺。李书福再也不用把轿车设计和制造挂靠在其他企业,他现在可以自己申请许可了。2002年,吉利推出了基于韩国大宇(Daewoo)设计的“自由舰”(Free Cruiser),该款车型成为首批在国际车展上展出的中国轿车之一。In a demonstration of his self-confidence, Mr Li says he was aly thinking about Volvo in 2002 – even without having had a successful model himself. Citing his “gut feeling”, he says: “I just felt that with Ford owning all these brands, at some point it could give us an opportunity to get one of them, and Volvo was my favourite.”突显其自信的一个迹象是,李书福表示,他在2002年就在动沃尔沃的脑筋了——尽管当时他还没有自己的成功车型。他谈到自己的这种“直觉”,称:“我就是觉得福特旗下拥有这么多品牌,总有一天它会让我们有机会买到一个,而沃尔沃是我最喜欢的一个。”It took eight years for his dream to come to fruition and even now some in the industry wonder if he has bitten off more than he can chew. “Volvo isn’t in the same league as BMW, Audi or Mercedes. I wonder if a Chinese carmaker can really turn it round,” says one German executive.他的梦想用了8年时间才结出硕果,然而即便是现在,仍有部分业内人士怀疑他的胃口是否超出了消化能力。一位德国高管表示:“沃尔沃与宝马(BMW)、奥迪(Audi)或奔驰(Mercedes)不一样,我怀疑一家中国汽车制造商能否真正扭转它的局面。”Hakan Samuelsson, Volvo’s chief executive, says the Swedish group has prospered under Geely’s ownership thanks to the stability and investments it has brought. “We have a very good relationship,” he says of Mr Li. “He also plays his role professionally: he has no ambition to micromanage this company.”沃尔沃首席执行官汉肯·塞缪尔森(H#229;kan Samuelsson)表示,得益于吉利收购所带来的稳定性和相关投资,这家瑞典汽车集团已开始走上正轨。在提到李书福时,他表示:“我们的关系非常好。他非常专业地扮演着自己的角色:他无意对这家企业进行微观管理。”For his part, Mr Li says that any doubt of the wisdom of such a big Chinese acquisition overseas is “evaporating”. Instead, he says the biggest pressure is in increasing Geely’s and Volvo’s combined competitiveness.李书福则表示,对于如此大规模海外收购是否明智的任何怀疑“都在消失之中”。他表示,最大的压力在于提高吉利和沃尔沃共同的竞争力。Mr Li is far from uncritical of Volvo. He believes there is much more the Swedish group could do in communication and marketing, particularly of its vaunted reputation for safety, a big asset in China. Mr Samuelsson’s predecessor as chief executive was abruptly ejected amid boardroom disputes. Reports of tensions persist, particularly over how to adapt Volvo’s somewhat staid image to the showy tastes of Chinese consumers.对于沃尔沃,李书福并不吝于批评。他认为这家瑞典集团在沟通和营销上还有许多不足,特别是在该公司引以为傲的安全口碑方面,这在中国可是一大资产。塞缪尔森的前任在董事会的争端中突然出局。有关紧张气氛的报道一再出现,尤其是围绕沃尔沃有些保守的形象如何迎合中国消费者的炫耀品位。Mr Li himself hints at this, saying: “Because of a lapse of investment in product development over the years in previous ownership, we do see a reflection of lack of modernisation of Scandinavian design.” But he quickly adds that the first new model developed with Geely’s money – the latest version of the XC90 SUV, out later this year – will offer the requisite modern take.李书福本人也暗示存在这个问题,他说:“由于上一个东家在产品开发上多年投资不足,我们确实看到北欧设计缺乏现代化的问题。”不过他很快补充说,用吉利资金开发的首款新车型将提供必要的现代感。这一新车型是XC90 SUV(运动型多功能车)的最新版,将在今年晚些时候推出。Talking about Volvo’s brand and what he sees as its respect for the environment and human beings, he stresses that his investment is for the long term. The brand’s image is in tune with the way in which the world is developing, he argues.在谈到沃尔沃这个品牌以及他眼中沃尔沃对环境和人文的重视时,李书福强调他的投资是长期投资。他辩称,沃尔沃的品牌形象顺应了世界的发展变化。“Particularly in China, I think a lot of people start to realise: OK, what are the things that they truly should value? That’s something that fits perfectly well with what Volvo is offering.”“特别是在中国,我认为许多人正开始意识到:他们真正应该看重的是什么?那恰恰是沃尔沃在提供的东西。” /201404/285482

The Moscow School was planned as Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s policy of openness allowed the exhumation of the suppressed people, histories and literature of pre-Soviet times and the USSR’s early years. Lena Nemirovskaya and Yuri Senokosov were Soviet intellectuals, she an art historian, he a philosopher; comfortably placed in the official intellectual hierarchy, uncomfortable in their Soviet skins. They were the planners — planning to illuminate how freedom might be used.苏联领导人米哈伊尔#8226;戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)的开放政策允许苏联成立之前以及苏联早期受打压的人物、历史和文学作品重见天日,在这种背景下,列娜#8226;内米洛夫斯卡娅(Lena Nemirovskaya)和尤里#8226;塞诺科索(Yuri Senokosov)酝酿创办莫斯科政治研究学院(Moscow School of Political Studies)。这两个人是苏联时期的知识分子,前者是艺术史学家,后者是哲学家;他们舒适地位列官方知识分子阶层,却对自己的苏联人身份感到不自在。作为学院的规划者,他们计划向人们阐明如何利用自由。They were guided by Georgian philosopher Merab Mamardashvili. “Russia,” he told an American interviewer in 1989, “jumped out of history and committed the metaphysical suicide of trying to bypass reality for the ideal.” The task this middle-aged couple took on was to help Russians, especially the rising generation, to construct a grounded reality of democratic process, civil society, rights and, above all, responsibility.他们受到了格鲁吉亚哲学家迈拉卜#8226;马马达舍维里(Merab Mamardashvili)的影响。后者在1989年对一位美国记者说:“俄罗斯跳出了历史,试图绕过现实达到理想,这等同于形而上的自杀。”这对中年人的使命,是帮助俄罗斯人,特别是年轻一代,实事求是地认识民主进程、公民社会、权利,最重要的是责任。Thus the Moscow School of Political Studies, later the Moscow School of Civic Education, was founded as the USSR crumbled. From the start its funding was largely foreign: a succession of western ambassadors told their governments that here was a centre to which support could be given that would not be wasted or diverted to Switzerland.因此,莫斯科政治研究学院——后来更名为莫斯科公民教育学院(Moscow School of Civic Education)——随着苏联解体而成立。从一开始,其资金就主要来自国外:许多西方大使告诉本国政府,持这个中心的资金不会被浪费,也不会被转移到瑞士。Ms Nemirovskaya taught herself English then buttonholed politicians, officials, institution presidents, journalists and corporate bosses to imbue in them the urgency she believed the civic education of Russia required. As throughout the post-Communist world, money from financier George Soros was vital. The school’s success, most evident in the late 1990s and early 2000s, attracted imitation: there are a dozen Moscow School-type institutions in the world now, modelled on the original.内米洛夫斯卡娅自学了英语,之后,她向政治家、官员、机构负责人、记者以及企业老板灌输了一种紧迫感——她认为俄罗斯需要公民教育。对整个后共产主义世界来说,来自金融家乔治#8226;索罗斯(George Soros)的资金至关重要。学院的成功(最明显的是在20世纪90年代末和21世纪头十年初期)吸引了效仿者:现在全世界有12所仿照莫斯科学院建立的机构。Foreign money paid for most of it, from seminars and conferences to a lively website, all run by dedicated young staff. Seminars were addressed by Russians and foreigners. The former included Yegor Gaidar, the economist and former acting prime minister, and Alexei Kudrin, a previous finance minister. The foreigners included Boris Johnson, London mayor; Lord Mandelson, former UK cabinet minister; Lord Skidelsky, the biographer of John Maynard Keynes; and many more.国外资金帮助解决了学院的大部分开,从召开研讨会、举行会议到运营一个活跃的网站,这些都由甘于奉献的年轻工作人员负责。在研讨会上发言的既有俄罗斯人,也有外国人士。前者包括经济学家、前代总理叶戈尔#8226;盖达尔(Yegor Gaidar)和前财政部长阿列克谢#8226;库德林(Alexei Kudrin)。外国人士包括伦敦市长鲍里斯#8226;约翰逊(Boris Johnson)、英国前内阁大臣曼德尔森勋爵(Lord Mandelson)、约翰#8226;梅纳德#8226;凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)的传记作者斯基德尔斯基勋爵(Lord Skidelsky),等等。The participants — usually well educated, confident, clamouring to be heard — grew more self-assured, less impressed by western attitudes. In one session during Nato action against Serbia in 1999, French policy analyst Dominique Mo#239;si and I were subjected by the audience — mainly journalists — to a tirade of protests, pointing out that “the west” had attacked a traditional Russian ally (we were reminded that Anna Karenina’s lover, Vronsky, goes off to assist Serbia against the Turks).研讨会的参与者——通常都受过良好教育、自信并且渴望被倾听——变得更加自信,更不容易被西方的态度所影响。1999年北约(Nato)军事打击塞尔维亚期间,在一次会议上,我和法国政策分析家多米尼克#8226;莫伊西(Dominique Moisi)遭到了听众(主要是记者)的激烈抗议,他们指责“西方”攻击了俄罗斯的传统盟友(我们被提醒说,安娜#8226;卡列尼娜(Anna Karenina)的情人渥伦斯基(Vronsky)就曾去塞尔维亚帮助抗击土耳其)。Now the Moscow School has been closed. Identified as a “foreign agent” under the 2013 law that stigmatises non-governmental organisations operating in the field of politics and accepting money from abroad, it struggled to survive — but, shorn of funds, denied venues and faced with a vicious, co-ordinated attack in the pro-Kremlin media, Ms Nemirovskaya and Mr Senokosov were obliged to shut up shop and try to chart a new course.现在,这家莫斯科学院已被关闭。根据2013年的一条法律,学院被认定是“外国代理机构”。该法律针对在政治领域运作、接受国外资金的非政府机构。学院艰难地试图办下去,但是面对缺少资金、办公地点被拒以及亲克里姆林宫媒体的联手恶毒攻击,内米洛夫斯卡娅和塞诺科索被迫关闭学院,并尝试开创一项新事业。The aftermath of the murder of pro-democracy activist Boris Nemtsov (another former speaker) is both a good and a drear time to craft a memorial — but not an obituary. The energy powering the Moscow School was a determination on the part of many, more than is now obvious, to grapple with Russia’s historic default[NOT QUITE SURE OF THIS SENTENCE- CLARIFY WORDING?] to authoritarianism.亲民主活动家鲍里斯#8226;涅姆佐夫(Boris Nemtsov)——他也曾在该学院发表演讲——被谋杀既使人悲痛,也是树立一座纪念碑(而非写一份讣告)的好时机。推动莫斯科公民教育学院的力量,是许多人(比现在所看到的要多)表现出来的、应对俄罗斯历史上默许威权主义这一现象的决心。“We have to lift up our heads and liberate independent social forces,” said Mamardashvili, the School’s philosophical inspiration. “When nobody is independent no politics is possible.” Civic politics is still possible. And it will be fashioned by Russians, not — as the Kremlin believes — by foreign plotters.“我们必须昂起头,解放独立的社会力量。”马马达舍维里说,“若无独立人格,便无民主政治。”The writer, an FT contributing editor, is chairman of the Moscow School’s advisory council公民政治仍然是可能的。而且,公民政治将由俄罗斯人所塑造,而非如克里姆林宫所认为的那样,由外国阴谋家所塑造。 /201503/367238

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